1 Great Depressions of the Twentieth Century Project Timothy J. Kehoe and Edward C. Prescott
2 Cole and Ohanian, The Great Depression in the United States from a Neoclassical Perspective, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review, Winter Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Conference, October Special Issue of Review of Economic Dynamics, January Great Depressions of the Twentieth Century, July 2007.
3 15 studies by 26 researchers using the same methodology Great depressions 1930s United States, United Kingdom, Canada, France, Germany Recent Argentina (1970s and 1980s), Chile and Mexico (1980s), Brazil (1980s and 1990s), New Zealand and Switzerland (1970s, 1980s, and 1990s), Argentina ( ) Not-quite-great depressions Italy (1930s), Finland (1990s), Japan (1990s)
4 Kehoe and Prescott define a great depression to be a large negative deviation from balanced growth. They set the growth rate in the balanced growth path to be 2 percent per year, the growth rate of output per working-age person in the United States during the twentieth century.
5 Real GDP per Working Age Person in the United States, index (1900 = 100) trend real GDP year
6 Trend growth: i t i yˆt yˆ0, 1.02 Great depression: D [ t, t ] such that There is some t in D in such that i t t0 i y ˆ t yt 2. There is some t t0 10 / such that i t t0 i y t yt 3. There are no t 1, t 2 in D, t2 t1 10, such that i t2 t / 1 i y t y t 1 /
7 Great depressions in the 1930s: Detrended output per person France Germany Index (1928 = 100) United States Canada
8 Great depressions in the 1980s: Detrended output per working-age person Index (1980 = 100) Brazil Mexico Chile 60 Argentina
9 Great depressions methodology Crucial elements: Growth accounting and dynamic general equilibrium model Growth accounting decomposes changes in output per working-age person into three factors: a productivity factor a capital factor an hours-worked factor
10 Great depressions methodology Crucial elements: Growth accounting and dynamic general equilibrium model Growth accounting decomposes changes in output per working-age person into three factors: a productivity factor a capital factor an hours-worked factor Keynesian analysis stresses declines in inputs of capital and labor as the causes of depressions.
11 Balanced growth path In the dynamic general equilibrium model, if the productivity factor grows at a constant rate, then the capital factor and the hours-worked factor stay constant and growth in output is due to growth in the productivity factor. Twentieth century U.S. macro data are very close to a balanced growth path, with the exception of the Great Depression and the subsequent World War II build-up.
12 Balanced growth path t t At t t t t Y K L N Y N When 1 A t 1 g At K L t Y and t t Nt are constant Y t N t grows at rate g 1, assume g as in U.S.
13 Growth Accounting for the United States output index (1970 = 100) hours worked capital productivity
14 Growth accounting for the United States capital productivity index (1929=100) output hours worked
15 We use a dynamic general equilibrium model to model the responses of households and firms in terms of capital accumulation and hours worked to changes in productivity and changes in government policy. We take the path of the productivity factor as exogenous. Comparing the results of the model with the data, we can identify features of the depression that need further analysis. Example: The Great Depression in the United States.
16 Growth accounting for the United States capital productivity index (1929=100) output hours worked
17 Growth accounting for the United States productivity index (1929=100)
18 Growth accounting for the United States index (1929=100) output
19 Growth accounting for the United States capital index (1929=100)
20 Growth accounting for the United States index (1929=100) hours worked
21 Conclusions A simple dynamic general equilibrium model that takes movements in the productivity factor as exogenous can explain most of the downturn in the United States. The model over predicts the increase in hours worked during the recovery. Need for Further Study The decline in productivity The failure of hours worked to recover
22 Lessons from Great Depressions Project The main determinants of depressions are not drops in the inputs of capital and labor stressed in traditional theories of depressions but rather drops in the efficiency with which these inputs are used, measured as total factor productivity (TFP). Exogenous shocks like the deteriorations in the terms of trade and the increases in foreign interest rates that buffeted Chile and Mexico in the early 1980s can cause a decline in economic activity of the usual business cycle magnitude. Misguided government policy can turn such a decline into a severe and prolonged drop in economic activity below trend a great depression.
23 Growth Accounting for Mexico capital index (1980 = 100) 100 hours output 80 productivity
24 A Decade Lost and Found: Mexico and Chile in the 1980s Raphael Bergoeing, Patrick J. Kehoe, Timothy J. Kehoe, and Raimundo Soto Similar crises in more severe in Chile than in Mexico Different recoveries much faster in Chile than in Mexico Why different pattern?
25 Real GDP per working-age (15-64) person detrended by 2 percent per year index (1980=100) Chile Mexico year
26 Growth accounting and applied dynamic general equilibrium model Two numerical experiments with model: Base case model: takes series for productivity factor as given. Model with tax reform: takes series for productivity factor as given and imposes tax reform that lowers tax on capital income in 1988 in both countries.
27 Applied dynamic general equilibrium model The representative consumer maximizes subject to t log (1 )log( ) t C 1980 t hnt Lt C K K wl ( )( r ) K T t t 1 t t t 1 t t t t where T ( r ) K is a lump-sum transfer. t t t t Feasibility: 1 t t 1 t t t t. C K ( 1 ) K AK L
28 First order conditions: 1 C Look at data t 1 Calibration 1 ( 1 )( r ) C t t t w hn L C 1 t t t t C C ( r ) C t t 1 Ct 0.30 in Mexico, 0.28 in Chile. C w( hn L) 0.98, 1 t t in Mexico, 0.56 in Chile t t t t. ;
29 Numerical experiments Base case: 0.45 in Mexico, 0.56 in Chile, t t Tax reform: 0.45 in Mexico, 0.56 in Chile, ; t t 0.12 in Mexico, 0.12 in Chile, t t
30 Detrended real GDP per working-age person and productivity factor Chile output index (1980=100) Chile productivity Mexico output 40 Mexico productivity
31 Detrended real GDP per working-age person: base case model Chile data index (1980=100) Chile model Mexico data 40 Mexico model
32 Detrended real GDP per working-age person: model with tax refrom 140 Chile model index (1980=100) Chile data Mexico data Mexico model
33 What do we learn from growth accounting and numerical experiments? Nearly all of the differences in the recoveries in Mexico and Chile result from different paths of productivity. Tax reforms are important in explaining some features of the recoveries, but not the differences. Implications for studying structural reforms story: Only reforms that are promising as explanations are those that show up primarily as differences in productivity, not those that show up as differences in factor inputs. Timing of reforms is crucial if they are to drive the differences in economic performance.
34 Chile: tax reforms 1975, 1984 social security reform 1980 fiscal surpluses Fiscal reforms Mexico: tax reforms 1980, 1985, 1987, 1989 fiscal deficits Important, but not for explaining the differences!
35 Trade reforms Chile: by 1979 all quantitative restrictions eliminated uniform tariff of 10 percent tariff hikes during crisis tariff back below 10 percent in 1991 Mexico: in percent of domestic production protected by import licenses nontariff barriers and dual exchange rates Massive trade reforms in Mexico , culminating in NAFTA Timing seems wrong!
36 Privatization Chile major privatizations Mexico major nationalization 1982 expropriated banks holdings of private companies government controlled percent of GDP major privatizations after 1989 Timing seems wrong?
37 Banking Chile: 1982 and after took over failed banks market-determined interest rates lowered reserve requirements. Mexico: 1982 and after nationalized all banks government set low deposit rates 75 percent of loans either to government or directed by government.
38 Private credit as a percent of GDP Chile percent GDP Mexico year
39 Bankruptcy laws Chile had reformed the administration of its bankruptcy procedures in In 1982 it reformed its bankruptcy laws to look much like those in the United States. Mexico reformed its bankruptcy procedures in a similar way only in (Maybe not so similarly!)
40 Business bankruptcies in Chile number per year year
41 Studying the experience of countries that have experienced great depressions during the twentieth century teaches us that massive public interventions in the economy to maintain employment and investment during a financial crisis can, if they distort incentives enough, lead to a great depression.
42 Comparison of the U.S. recession with the U.S. recession
43 U.S. Real GDP index (peak = 100) IV 1981 III quarter following peak
44 U.S. Unemployment Rate July percent December month following peak
45 Comparison of the U.S. recession with the U.S. recession Using conventional measures real GDP, unemployment rate the recession is not noticeably worse than the recession.
46 Comparison of the U.S. recession with the U.S. recession Using conventional measures real GDP, unemployment rate the recession is not noticeably worse than the recession. The recovery during the recession has been slower, and there is still a danger that the current recession could turn into a double-dip recession.
47 What about growth accounting?
48 Growth Accounting, Recession index (1981 III = 100) output capital productivity hours worked quarter following peak
49 Growth Accounting, Recession productivity index (2007 IV = 100) capital output 92 hours worked quarter following peak
50 What about growth accounting? The recession(s) is an example of the standard real business cycle downturn, where the driving force is a drop in productivity. The current recession is different. This warrants further research.
51 What did we economists do wrong? If the risk of a fall in housing prices had been understood and priced correctly, higher interest rates on lending for construction projects and mortgages would have corrected the problem. The lack of understanding of systemic risk on the part of banks, regulators, and bond ratings agencies calls for reform and, perhaps, new regulations.
52 What did we economists do wrong? If the risk of a fall in housing prices had been understood and priced correctly, higher interest rates on lending for construction projects and mortgages would have corrected the problem. The lack of understanding of systemic risk on the part of banks, regulators, and bond ratings agencies calls for reform and, perhaps, new regulations. Mistakes like this happen. We cannot be constantly over regulating our economy to prevent the previous crisis from occurring again.
53 What did we economists do right? Kareken-Wallace and Stern-Feldman: Efficiently allocating risk requires that any insurance should be accompanied by regulation. Any institution that is too big to fail needs to be regulated. Kehoe-Prescott (and others!): We need to study crises of the past to be prepared to deal with them in the future.
54 Those who try to justify the sorts of Keynesian policies implemented by the Mexican government in the 1980s often quote Keynes s dictum from A Tract on Monetary Reform: The long run is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead.
55 Studying past great depressions turns this dictum on its head: If we do not consider the consequences of policy for productivity, in the long run we could all be in a great depression.
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