TREND AND IMPACT ANALYSIS OF NON-MOTORISED PUBLIC TRANSPORT RESTRICTION SCHEMES IN A DEVELOPING CITY

Transcription

1 MAMUN RAHMAN Transport Planner PTV Asia Pacific TREND AND IMPACT ANALYSIS OF NON-MOTORISED PUBLIC TRANSPORT RESTRICTION SCHEMES IN A DEVELOPING CITY Non-motorised public transport (NMPT) is presently widespread in developing countries. Common forms include cycle-rickshaw, becak, cyclo and bicitaxi. These vehicles are often seen as inefficient and primitive, an impediment to progress, and inconsistent with the modern urban image of fast moving high flow traffic. Subsequently, different forms of restrictive measures have been undertaken to control NMPT in developing countries. An important question regarding these adopted strategies to manage NMPT operations is whether they have been well planned, balanced and effective. This paper illuminates and evaluates this issue for case study of Dhaka, Bangladesh, the most NMPT intensive city in the world. The learning from this paper will provide valuable insights to policy makers and transport professionals on informed decision making and policy formulation; both in developing countries, where NMPT has a strong presence, and developed countries where NMPT is emerging as a sustainable transport mode (145). 1. Introduction Developing countries, in particular their major urban centres, are experiencing fast but imbalanced transport sector development resulting in poor on-road traffic operability due to congestion, and unproductivity due to delay. Common response at a policy level under this circumstance has been to focus on upgrading private and public motorized transport modes, improving traffic control measures and emphasizing introduction of mass transit systems. Relatively little attention is given to non-motorized transport (NMT) modes (walk, bicycle and cyclerickshaw) as a useful option to confront the situation despite its dominance in many cities. The paid category of non-motorized public transport (NMPT) and notably three-wheeler cycle rickshaws still plays an important role in many Asian and Latin American cities. However this modeis often seen as inefficient and backward, an impediment to progress, and inconsistent with a modern urban image. Consequently, different forms of restrictive measures have been undertaken to control NMPT in developing countries. An important question regarding these adopted strategies to manage NMPT operations is whether they have been well planned, balanced and effective. This paper illuminates this issue for case study of Dhaka, Bangladesh, which is the most NMPT intensive city in the world. The evaluation begins with an overview of NMPT status in Dhaka, followed by a review of different strategic restriction schemes used for NMPT management. The impact and rationale of these policy initiatives on NMPT operation are then discussed. An impact analysis is made of two thematic layers: i) licensing control initiative, and ii) physical restriction initiative. The aim is to develop a comprehensive understanding of the effectiveness or otherwise of these schemes in achieving operational sustainability and impact on Dhaka s transport system. The learning from this paper will provide valuable insights to policy makers and transport professionals on informed decision making and policy formulation; both in developing countries, where NMPT has a strong presence, and developed countries where NMPT is emerging as a sustainable transport mode.

2 2. Non motorised public transport: Status overview The transport system in developing countries cities can be classified into two broad categories, motorised transport and non-motorised transport. The motorised category includes public transport, paratransit and private transport. The non-motorised transport (NMT) category has two distinct types; private and public. According to World Bank (2002), the two major modes of NMTs in developing cities are walking, and various forms of cycling, which can be personal or public transport. NMPT has long been a major transport planning problem in developing cities (Replogle, 1991a). Particularly, the debate on its suitability to continue or otherwise has been hotly contested and acceptability has gained greater significance in recent years with a new perspective of the transport sector as a key component of sustainable development and poverty eradication (Whitelegg & Williams, 2005). With this backdrop a review of NMPT status is presented in the following sections describing the development, growth and multi sector role contribution of the mode with particular reference to case study of Dhaka to enable an understanding of the need or otherwise of the mode as regular public transport. 2.1 Evolution and growth The hand pulled rickshaws were initially introduced in developing cities and were first observed in Japan in 1869 (Warren, 1986). The cycle powered rickshaws or NMPTs were first introduced in Singapore in 1886 known as the Upton Park passenger tricycle ( Flower,1984) (Figure 1). Figure 1.1: Cycle Rickshaw Figure 1.2: Human-Pulled Rickshaw Figure 1: Major Rickshaw Types in the Streets of Developing Cities Source: Shutterstock (2014) However the NMPTs were not widely prevalent in these parts until around 1929 when they were first used on a large scale in Singapore (Warren, 1986). NMPT was then onward seen to be used as popular public transport in Calcutta (around 1930), Jakarta (1936), Dhaka (1938), Hong Kong (mid 1940s) and Canton (1946). By 1950 cycle-rickshaws had spread to every country in South and East Asia and their growth picked up during the 1960 s and 1970 s (Rashid, 1986; Rimmer, 1986; Gallagher, 1992). NMPTs are still observed in large numbers in the transport system of many major cities in developing countries, servicing daily trips including India, China, Vietnam and Bangladesh (Hook, 2005; Rahman 2013).

3 2.2 Development trend in case study Dhaka The NMPT form presently operating in Dhaka and Bangladesh is cycle-rickshaws, a three-wheeler vehicle capable of carrying 2 passengers excluding driver or pay load of kg (Gedpalli, 2006) (Figure 2). Figure 2.1: NMPT as Passenger Carriage Figure 2.2: NMPT as Freight Carriage Figure 2: NMPT usage in the streets of Dhaka (Left: passenger carriage, right: freight carriage) Source: Fotosearch (2014) The NMPT population in Dhaka grew gradually during its early stage but then at a high rate during the past four decades. The city had only 37 NMPT in 1941 and 181 in 1947 (Banglapedia, 2006). The NMPTs have gradually displaced the horse-drawn carriages to become a more efficient, popular form of regular public transport since the late 1950 s. In 1972 the total number of NMPT in Dhaka increased to 14,667 which gradually doubled to 28,703 in 1982, but thereafter increased rapidly to reach the figure of around 200,000 in 1988 (Gallagher, 1992). Gallagher (1992) forecasted the NMPT numbers in Dhaka to reach the figure of around 300,000 in This was quite close to the original scenario at that time. The growth trend corresponded to the countrywide rise where the NMPT fleet was estimated to have grown from two-thirds of a million in 1988 to over one million by According to the latest available statistics, there are around 2.04 million NMPT in Bangladesh (Bose & Rahman, 2009). The bulk of the NMPT growth is in Dhaka. ITDP (2005) and STP (2005) suggested the estimated NMPT fleet size of Dhaka to be around 500,000 in 2005 in addition to around 5,000 NMPT vans that were used exclusively for freight carriage. The most current official statistics sourced from Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) suggests the NMPT figure has escalated to 1,100,000 in (Alam, 2011).This historical growth of NMPT in Dhaka is illustrated by Figure 3.

4 Figure 3: NMPT growth trend in Dhaka Source: Derived by authors after Gallagher (1992); DITS (1994); STP (2005) & Rahman (2013) 2.3 Multi-sector role in Dhaka In terms of mode share, rickshaws currently carry around 48 percent of non-walk trips in Dhaka (Figure 4) and also have a major role as freight carriers for personal goods and small consignments. Figure 4: Primary non walk trip share for Dhaka: comparative trend Source: Derived by author after DITS (1994); DUTP (1996); STP (2005) and DHUTS (2010) Note: *included car and other 4 wheeler private vehicles, motorcycle, auto-rickshaw and taxi; DHUTS (2010) study did not include motorcycles in the trip statistics ^ includes bus and human hauler; ^^ NMPT share estimated based on total fleet size of 500,000

5 These statistics paint a picture of the current market for NMPT usage in Dhaka. Although rickshaw mode share has declined and car ownership is increasing, NMPT remains the most popular non-walk mode of transport in Dhaka, and with strong growth in population and demand for travel, the actual number of trips per day by rickshaw and the number of rickshaws in Dhaka is still growing. In terms of passenger kilometre of travel rickshaw is second only to bus, having approximately 22 percent of total trip length share (DUTP, 1996; DTCB, 2004). The continued popularity of rickshaws in Dhaka and many similar Asian cities results from a mix of factors. From a user perspective, rickshaws provide affordable door-to-door service; are well-matched to demand in terms of specific trip lengths and types; and can access all parts of the network including very narrow and crowded streets not suited to other modes (Rahman et al., 2010a). Rickshaws are a low speed, low capacity mode, but for many trips these factors are not a drawback. In Dhaka, the majority of trips are short and local, with average trip lengths around 2.3 km (STP, 2005); and the number of people travelling together is generally small. For short trips, NMPT is competitive in terms of overall travel time (when walking, waiting and transit time is taken into account) and is cheaper than travelling by other comparable modes (auto-rickshaw, taxi or car) (Rahman, 2013). In addition, NMPT has an important role as a business/personal freight carrier over short distances. Transit modes such as existing bus services and future mass transit cater for longer trips on defined routes and are not suited to many older parts of Dhaka with narrow crowded streets. As a result, there is a strong market differentiation with specific modes catering for different travel needs. For more detailed analysis of the operational attributes of NMPT in comparison to other available modes and the comparative level of service framework of NMPT performance in comparison to other available modes in Dhaka traffic, see (Rahman et al., 2008; 2013). From a broader community perspective, rickshaws make a strong socio-economic contribution in terms of equity and employment; and have a key cultural and economic role in the overall urban system of Dhaka and many other cities. NMPT is important for all types of short-medium length trips, but plays a special role for vulnerable social groups. Rickshaws are presently the preferred travel mode by women, children and the elderly who make up 40 percent of loaded rickshaw trips due to the mode s relative safety, security and comfort. This is an upward usage trend from 24 percent in 1994 to 31 percent in 2005 (Rahman, 2013). In this respect, NMPT plays an import cultural role in providing equity and mobility for these groups. It provides an alternative to over-crowded and poor quality bus services. NMPTs are an affordable alternative to higher cost taxis and auto-rickshaws. For instance, the fare for a short length rickshaw trip of 5 km in Dhaka is Taka 14, approximately one third of the taxi fare and half of the auto-rickshaw fare (STP, 2005). In many other Asian cities, motorcycle is the favored mode of lower income groups, but in Bangladesh, motorcycles are not considered suitable for travel by women, children and the elderly who make up a major component of the NMPT market. For detailed analysis of comparative cost effectiveness of NMPT see Rahman (2013). The rickshaw industry is also one of the most important sectors of the Bangladeshi economy. According to Gallagher (1992), rickshaws in Bangladesh contribute 34 percent of the value added from the transport sector to GDP and it is estimated that 6 percent of Bangladesh s GDP can be accounted for by rickshaw pulling (Wipperman & Sowula, 2007). This level of activity means that NMPT is a substantial contributor to employment in Bangladesh. In Dhaka, 50 percent of the employment sector is associated with the NMPT industry (Wipperman & Sowula, 2007; Rahman, 2013) (Figure 5).

6 Figure 5: Estimated share of NMPT industry in employment sector of Dhaka Source: Derived by author after DITS (1994); BBS (2005); DHUTS (2010); Alam (2011) and BBS (2011) The figure shows continuous growth in share of the NMPT industry within the employment sector of Dhaka. More than 700,000 new jobs were created between 1994 and This is a 12 percent rise in total employment share of Dhaka by NMPT industry during analysis period and annual employment growth rate of 17 percent for the industry compared to annual population growth rate of 4.2 percent (STP, 2005). The total engagement of NMPT industry was 1.11 million people at The total NMPT industry employment has almost doubled, to around 2.31 million between 2005 and 2011, and currently more than half of the employment in Dhaka is provided by this industry. This large workforce and its continued growth are attributable to two major factors; a) the unemployment problem in agro-based rural areas and subsequent large urban drift, and b) easy access to jobs in rickshaw industry (Wikipedia, 2009). As a result, NMPT is woven deeply into Bangladesh society in terms of its employment, cultural and socio-economic contributions, especially amongst the poorest sections of society. According to Rahman (2013), in a city like Dhaka, the hard transport planning issues associated with NMPT cannot be fully separated from the soft socio-economic implications of NMPT policies. NMPT also has a growing significance from a sustainability perspective. Although historically, environmental considerations have not underpinned the growth of NMPT in Asia, this is now emerging as a strong factor in its favor. Cars, buses and auto-rickshaws are the principal contributors to air quality pollutants in Dhaka (Hoque et al., 2005). By contrast, NMPT is fuel-free and has an almost negligible impact on climate change and air quality. 3. Restriction schemes for non-motorised public transport management Despite these advantages and critical issues, official attitudes towards NMPT in Dhaka have mostly been neutral to negative, with NMPT discouraged in favor of motorized transport. NMPT was considered inhumane, inconsistent with the image of a modern developing city, and a major source of

7 congestion (DITS, 1994; STP, 2005). However it appears that, while generally well-intentioned, Government policy initiatives to restrict or ban rickshaw access in Dhaka have struggled. An important question regarding these adopted strategies to manage NMPT operations is whether they have been well planned, balanced and effective. This section and subsequent sections analyses these issues. The evaluation begins with an overview of different strategic restriction schemes applied for NMPT management. The impact and rationale of these policy initiatives on NMPT operation are then discussed. An impact analysis is made of two thematic layers: i) licensing control initiative, and ii) physical restriction initiative. 3.1 Licensing control The Government started to curb NMPTs, initially through licensing control, between the 1950 s and the early 1980 s (Rashid, 1986). According to Gallagher (1992), 4000 rickshaw licences were issued in up to 1952, but after that the authorities stopped issuing new licences altogether. In 1969, the number stabilised at 14,407. Meanwhile, throughout the 1970 s, Dhaka s authorities carried out regular crackdowns and elimination campaigns to restrict rickshaws. The new ceiling of 14,407 licences remained in force until In this process, the last official licensing ceiling was set at 86,000 in 1986 (Replogle, 1991a; DITS, 1994; STP, 2005). The status has remained unchanged until the present time. 3.2 Rise in import duties for spare parts By the early 1980 s, the Government started to impose high duties on bicycle component parts such as mild steel wire, mild steel strips, mild steel seamless pipe, brass wire and electroplating chemicals, also used for NMPT manufacturing (DITS,1994). According to Gallagher (1992), most of the bicycle and NMPT components were taxed at 50 percent, greater than that of baby-taxi, tempo or bus. Since 1987, tyres were taxed at 150 percent, compared to that of baby taxi (35 percent), bus (50 percent) and cars (100 percent). 3.3 Physical restriction measures The first NMPT restriction in Dhaka was imposed in 1980 near Kakrail Mosque towards Baily Road, but withdrawn later due to the detrimental effects (e.g. detours or NMPT congestion on other roads or unavailability of transport for passengers). Similar initiative with likewise result was observed for Motijheel Commercial Area (Dainik Bangla to Bangladesh Bank), DIT Avenue (Bangabhaban to Naya Paltan) and Gulistan (Fulbaria to Vetinary Hospital) (DITS, 1994). In April 1987, Dhaka Municipal Corporation announced plans to ban NMPT from city on safety grounds. This ban did not materialise for political reasons and due to public opposition (Replogle, 1991b).,The Government was able to make five roads NMPT free including New Airport Road, Hare Road, Abdul Gani Road, Crescent Lake Road and Tongi Diversion Road (Mohakhali to Moghbazar) (DITS,1994; STP,2005) before 2002.Following the trend and in line with the recommendations of DUTP (1996) and NLTP (2004), DCC (the city Government) in 2002 adopted a plan to phase out NMPTs from 11 major arterials of Dhaka, comprising a total of 120 km (Figure 6).

8 Figure 6: Existing and Proposed NMPT-Free Corridors in Dhaka Source: DCC (2009) The vacuum created by NMPT removal and need for extra public transport was filled by minibuses that operate on a stop-and-go service. These minibuses offer stop-and-go service whereby passengers

9 can request to stop at any point along the corridor where NMPT is restricted. The car numbers also grew on the roads where NMPT was restricted (HDRC, 2004). The ultimate endeavours of NMPT restrictive policies were to improve traffic flow and better replicate the city image to outside world (Manchetti, 2005). However, due to various concerns and political sensitivity associated with the removal of NMPT from major roads, DCC has periodically adjusted target dates to complete the process in phase (STP, 2005) (Figure 6).This NMPT phase out process has continued to the present. 4. Impact of non-motorised public transport management schemes and rationale The review in Section 3 suggested that DCC, DMP and other relevant transport authorities of Dhaka have previously attempted to control NMPT operation, primarily with tools of licensing control and operational restriction. A more detailed analysis of these measures and their implication is discussed below 4.1 Analysing Licensing control initiative It was found in Section 3 that the official ceiling of NMPT in Dhaka is fixed at 86,000 since 1986, with the objective of controlling its operation. But the number of NMPT in operation has grown. Figure 7 presents the comparative condition of total NMPT operating in Dhaka to that of unlicensed NMPTs. Unlicensed NMPT share 82.8% 92.18% 42.67% 65.6% 71.33% Figure 7: Comparative status of total NMPT to unlicensed NMPTs in operation Source: Derived after Gallagher (1992), DITS (1994), DUTP (1996), STP (2005) and Alam (2011) The figure suggests that the share of unlicensed NMPT operation has grown in proportion to the rapid increase of total NMPTs. The growth shows a steep incline because the ceiling has remained fixed but in the 25 years since the restriction, NMPT has kept growing. Currently 92 percent of NMPTs operating in Dhaka are unlicensed, or a total of around one million vehicles.

10 4.2 Analysing physical restriction initiative The review in Section 3 also found that physical restriction was imposed as another measure to control NMPT operation and its number. The principle for imposing restriction was that it would be applied to major arterials of the city (detailed analysis of the roads delimited to NMPT or proposed for the same are available in Rahman, 2013); however there should be appropriate alternative routes according to prescribed guidelines to enable suitable NMPT operation. This discussion focuses on analysing the practice of such management measure and other issue specific implications of the restriction initiative Alternative route for NMPT restricted links and implications The NMPT restrictions approaches adopted so far indicates that except on Corridor 2 (Figure 6), alternative route provision has not been planned and provided for other corridors where NMPT has been removed. No NMPT priority measures were undertaken elsewhere on the network to facilitate their operation. The original guideline in this regard as prescribed by DUTP (1996) suggested for planned provision of route alternatives for each NMPT route diversion action. The guideline also suggests that an alternative route for NMPT needs to be provided so that they are not more than 30 percent in distance from the original route from which they are to be diverted. The directness of the alternative route planned for Corridor 2 by DCC was examined to compare its condition with regard to this guideline. The detailed procedure in achieving the task is discussed below. Directness test for corridor 2 alternative NMPT route Rationale for selecting analysis platform The analysis was conducted using the graphical parameter based analytical tools available in the transport planning software, VISUM. The directness was measured using the tool shortest path Shortest path assessed the comparative shortest distance for a certain NMPT trip that uses corridor 2 under the pre-nmpt ban, to that for the same trip, but with an alternative NMPT route provided by DCC after the restriction was imposed. Spatial extent of the test network STP (2005) prepared a transport network model for Dhaka. However, due to the intellectual property (IP) being owned by the custodian of the project, the base model could not be collected. The test network for the analysis was therefore coded at 1:1 scale. The spatial extent of coded network includes a section of Corridor 2 that has the alternative NMPT route (Mirpur Road between Manik Mia Avenue intersection and Azimpur Road intersection), the alternate NMPT route (Mirpur side road assigned to NMPT between Dhanmond Road 1 and New Market Green Market Road) and adjacent major neighbourhoods such as Dhanmond, Zigatola to the west; Kalabagan, Hatirpool, Science Lab to the east; Kalabagan, Pantha Path to the north; and New Market, Azimpur, Palashi to the south (Figure 8).. Traffic environment of the test network Due to unavailability to access of the trip matrices and trip data, the author adopted an option to analyse the route directness under a free flow network i.e. running the tests with a link speed set at 12 km/hour, the usual free flow travel speed of NMPT. This condition was considered acceptable to satisfy examination of the principle goal of the analysis, which was to observe the directness of NMPT with alternative route options, whether in underloaded or unloaded traffic condition. Directness output (primary measure-distance) also bears no relation to network loading status.

11 Directness analysis For directness comparison, the origin and destination of the trip was set as Dhanmondi Road 12/A, Dhanmondi (west of corridor 2) and BUET, Palashi (east of corridor 2) respectively. These two points were chosen for analysis as they involve the crossing of Corridor 2; usually uses the alternative NMPT route, the side road of Mirpur Road under current NMPT restrictions on Mirpur main corridor and is the shortest distance path for the trip. The shortest path route choice for the trip is shown in Figure 8 and 9 and results of the analysis are presented in Table 1. Mirpur Road (Corridor 2) Dhanmondi Road 12/A Legend Territory Boundary Zone Connector Node Link O- D Point Rickshaw Free Link BUET, Palashi Limited access for Rickshaw Shortest Path Scale- 1:1 Figure 8:Shortest path for NMPT with no NMPT restriction on Corridor 2 (Mirpur Corridor)

12 Mirpur Road (Corridor 2) Dhanmondi Road 12/A Legend Territory Boundary Zone Connector Node Link O- D Point Rickshaw Free Link Limited access for Rickshaw Shortest Path Alternative route (Mirpur side road & New Market green market road) planned for NMPT to avoid Mirpur Road (Corridor 2) BUET, Palashi Scale- 1:1 Figure 9: Shortest path for NMPT with alternative route after NMPT restriction on Corridor 2 (Mirpur Road) Table 1: Comparative directness (distance) of the NMPT route NMPT treatment corridor Corridor 2 (Mirpur Road) Alternative NMPT route (Mirpur side Road) Trip path Trip point Shortest travel distance Dhanmondi Internal Roads- Mirpur Road-Azimpur Road Abdul Gani Road Dhanmondi Internal Roads- Mirpur Side Road-New Market Green Market Road- Pilkhana Road -Azimpur Road Abdul Gani Road Dhanmondi Road 12/A to BUET,Palashi Dhanmondi Road 12/A to BUET,Palashi Change % Corridor 2 (Mirpur Road) Source: Derived by author after shortest path analysis

13 The results suggest that under the alternative route provided for Corridor 2, an additional 2.78 km of travel was required to traverse the system for the same trip end. This is an increase in distance of 39 percent for NMPT trips compared to the original route for the trip that was made using Corridor 2 before the NMPT restriction was imposed. This revealed what is considered to be non-compliance with the prescribed guideline for NMPT alternative route provision. It is worth mentioning that the free flow travel time under the alternative shortest path was found to be around 44min, 13min more than that required by the original route Other implications of NMPT restriction Based on availability of data, an in-depth analysis is made on the results achieved by the NMPT restriction initiative for the same discussed corridor, for selected performance measures. Road space Comparison of traffic composition to road space occupancy was performed to understand the road space impact of pre and post NMPT bans for the demonstration corridor (Corridor 2). The results for years 2000 and 2005 are presented in Table 2. Table 2: Road space temporal occupancy impacts of DUTP on Mirpur Demonstration Road Year Attribute Car ( percent) Buses ( percent) NMPT ( percent) 2000 % Space on the Main Road Link 2000 % Passenger on the Main Road Link 29.9 * % Space on the Main Road 54.2* % Passengers on the Main Road Link Source: DUTP (2007) * Excluding the on-street road space occupied by cars The table shows that before NMPT restriction, NMPT were the major mode of transport and had highest passenger as well as road share. After their restriction, major road space was occupied by cars with a rise in their road space share by almost twice while a slight decrease in passenger share was noted from It is also observed that bus share has considerably improved by around four times and is carrying more than twice the previous passenger carriage. The analyses of Bari and Efroymson (2007) suggested that, after removal of NMPT on Corridor 2, the total traffic flow of the corridor has reduced due to a sharp rise of car composition in the traffic that usually has lower road space occupancy per passenger than NMPT. Mode shift and associated aspects The analysis of the mode shift of NMPT users after the ban on the Mirpur Demonstration corridor, to make trips of similar need, is presented in Figure 10.

14 Figure 10: Percentage mode shift to different modes after NMPT restriction on Mirpur Road Source: Derived by author after HDRC (2004) The illustration reveals that around one-third of the passengers have stayed using their original mode. But as reported in HDRC (2004), most of the NMPT users who have continued to use the mode resulted in significant increase in their travel time as the journey changed via side roads along the corridor that are more circuitous and congested. The highest share of former NMPT users (who no longer take NMPT) shifted to auto rickshaw and taxicab (30 percent), which charge significantly higher fares, are reluctant to take short trips, and are not readily available thus causing higher waiting times and higher costs. Around 20 percent switched to the more cost effective bus option. But HDRC (2004) suggested that users who shifted to buses conceded longer waiting times compared to those who shifted to auto rickshaw or taxis. The lowest share shifted to walking (18 percent) and had to accept an increase in travel time of around 10min/ km. HDRC (2004) suggested that this ban and shift of mode has reduced NMPT drivers monthly income on relevant routes by 34 percent. Moreover, the literature revealed that a significant portion of demand for extra buses, due to NMPT ban, was fulfilled by minibuses. This added to gross transport emissions. 5. Concluding remarks This paper has delineated the directions in which the transport systems of developing cities are heading, and has investigated the degrees and patterns of NMPT contribution to the overall transport system of Bangladesh, with Dhaka as a central focus. Facts and figures have demonstrated the crucial place NMPT currently holds as a primary mode of travel for many citizens covering important market segments and mobility needs. The ad-hoc strategic schemes towards NMPT management and their negative implications are also revealed during the discourse. NMPT has established itself under the radar but is now coming to the attention of planners, policy makers and competitors. Many cities throughout the world are approaching a decision point about the future nature of their transport system and the future role of NMPT. In particular, those cities where NMPT already has a large and in some cases dominant role in the transport market are faced with the decision to (a) ignore NMPT, perhaps in the hope that it will eventually disappear; (b) actively discourage it through policy measures to ban or restrict NMPT; or (c) accept that NMPT is a valid and sustainable component of the system and work towards better integration of motorized and non-

15 motorized modes. Alternative (a) and (b) has been proved to be relatively ineffective in NMPT dependent cities such as Dhaka while the need for (c) is under recognised, but need attention as is depicted in this paper. In developed countries of Europe/ North America, local conditions and the scale of the problem may be different, but the challenges for NMPT regulation and integration are similar (see Rahman et al., 2010a for details). According to Rahman et al. (2010b), in Australia and New Zealand, pedicab is still somewhat of a novelty mode but if NMPT follows a similar trajectory to what is happening in major developed cities in Europe and North America, then there is potential for substantial growth and expansion of its role. This has the potential to create opportunities, but at the same time, accentuate existing problems and raise many new issues associated with expanded operation of NMPT. Therefore this is the right time to have a serious look into this mode, its suitability and future role, and its possible integration into the overall transport system, as well as the issues that have already arisen in other countries as discussed in this paper and are likely to arise in this region. 6. References Alam, H. (March 29, 2011). Rickshaw clog city. The Daily Star. Retrieved February from Bari, M., & Efroymson, D. (2007). Knowledge-based transport planning and more rickshaw bans in Dhaka City. Road for People.Dhaka, Bangladesh: Working for Better Bangladesh Trust. Banglapedia (2006). Retrieved March from BBS (2005).Key findings of household income and expenditure survey2005. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. BBS (2011). Preliminary population census report Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics. Bose, S.K., & Rahman, N. (2009). Country presentation on environmentally sustainable transport in Bangladesh. Keynote paper of the SAARC workshop on transport and related environmental issues. Dhaka, Bangladesh. DCC (2009). Road network map of Dhaka City. Department of Urban Planning. Dhaka City Corporation. DITS (1994).Greater Dhaka Metropolitan Area Integrated Transport Study: Final Report Volume 1 -, Database and Immediate Actions. Report no. BGD/88/011. Dhaka: Government of Bangladesh Planning Commission, United Nations Development Program and Dept. of DSMS. DHUTS (2010). Dhaka Urban Transport Network Development Study- Interim Report.Dhaka, Bangladesh: Japan International Cooperation Agency. DTCB (2005). Report on census of NMT pullers and owners on corridor 1 and corridor 2.Dhaka: Dhaka Transportation Coordination Board, Ministry of Communication, Government of Bangladesh. DUTP (1996). Dhaka Urban Transport Project-Phase I: Final Report. Dhaka, Bangladesh: World Bank. DUTP (2007). Project Performance Assessment Report: Dhaka Urban Transport Project.Report no Dhaka, Bangladesh: World Bank. Flower, R. (1984). Raffles: The Story of Singapore. Singapore: Eastern University Press. Fotosearch (2014). Retrieved April from Gallagher, R. (1992).The Rickshaws of Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd. Gadepalli, S. (2006, June 30). Rickshaws in the new millennium. The Daily Star. Retrieved April from

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