Mi kmaq and the American Eel

Transcription

1 Mi kmaq and the American Eel Traditional Knowledge Relating to the American Eel by Mainland Nova Scotia Mi kmaq

2 1 Mi kmaq and the American Eel Traditional Knowledge Relating to the American Eel by Mainland Nova Scotia Mi kmaq AFSAR Project # 1734 Report to Environment Canada & Fisheries & Oceans Canada June 2011 Michael H. Weiler Mi kma ki All Points Services Inc. (MAPS) P.O. Box 63 Shubenacadie, NS, B0N 2H0 Nothing in this document or any related discussions, communications or documentation shall be interpreted as to abrogate, derogate, or in any way, affect, limit or detract from the existing Aboriginal and treaty rights that the Aboriginal peoples throughout Atlantic Canada individually and collectively enjoy (see Sect. 35 of the Canadian Constitution).

3 2 Table of Contents: 1.) Introduction ) The Species at Risk Act (SARA) ) Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge (ATK) ) Methodology 4 2.) The American Eel, Species of Concern 6 3.) Traditional Mi kmaq Relationship with the Eel ) Economic Relationship ) Freshwater Eel Fishery ) Saltwater Eel Fishery ) Significance of the Eel Fishery in the Mi kmaq Economy ) Cultural Significance ) Social Ramifications of the Eel Fishery ) Medicinal Uses of Eel ) Spiritual Significance of Eel 28 4.) Eel ATK as Collected from Mi kmaq Knowledge Holders in Mainland Nova Scotia ) Life Cycle, Habitat Preferences & Migration Patterns ) Contemporary Mi kmaq Eel Fishery ) Saltwater Eeling ) Freshwater Eeling ) Mi kmaq Uses of Eel ) Eel as a Food Source ) Eel as a Commercial Resource ) Social Functions of Eel fishery and Consumption ) Medicinal Uses of Eel ) Spiritual Significance of the Eel ) Threats to Eel Stocks and Fishery 29 5.) Conclusion 31 6.) Acknowledgements 32 7.) List of Figures 33 8.) Bibliography 34

4 3 1.) Introduction 1.1.) The Species At Risk Act (SARA) In December 2002 the Federal Species at Risk Act (SARA) came into force in Canada. The purpose of this act is to prevent Canadian wildlife and plant species from becoming extinct. To that extent, SARA identifies a process of assessing and monitoring species populations that are suspected or reported to be at risk, defining critical habitat for species at risk, and developing recovery strategies to assist species at risk populations in recovering to self-sustainable, healthy levels. In general SARA outlines three phases: Firstly, population assessment; secondly, species listing into categories of special concern, threatened, endangered, extirpated or extinct ; and thirdly, recovery planning. SARA recognizes the need to utilize Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge (ATK) in the population assessment and the recovery planning phases. During the listing process, ATK is also a valuable and, from the Aboriginal perspective, indispensable component. This phase requires an assessment of potential impacts that the listing of a species may have on the Aboriginal community, in which ATK is a key element. The collection and documentation of relevant ATK is therefore essential for the protection of species and for the meaningful involvement of Aboriginal People in SARA initiatives. 1.2.) Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge (ATK) ATK, as it is understood here, is an Aboriginal way of observing, understanding, and explaining the natural world. It is both a science and a philosophy. ATK is holistic as it recognizes the interconnectedness of all elements of nature. It is also spiritual in that it acknowledges that all parts of the natural world are infused with spirit. It has a moral component as it promotes Netukulimk, sustainable living and a respect for all living things. ATK is a collective body of knowledge based on long-term observation and hands-on experience, and is transmitted through oral tradition and example. This type of knowledge is also sometimes referred to as TEK (Traditional Ecological Knowledge) and, in the context of Mi kma ki specifically, as MEK (Mi kmaq Ecological Knowledge). ATK therefore includes: Oral history, traditions, legends; Information on traditional land use & occupancy; Traditional knowledge on wildlife, plants, and the interrelationships between all living things;

5 4 Traditional environmental ethics (Netukulimk); Traditional resource management concepts; Aboriginal place names. 1.3.) Methodology This study focuses on eel-related ATK by mainland Nova Scotia Mi kmaq. The methodology for documenting eel-related ATK involved four components. Firstly, it includes a review of MAPS in-house GIS 1 databases and related interview transcripts for relevant information. These databases hold information on resource harvesting and observations within living memory by Mi kmaq from all Nova Scotia First Nation communities. Eels are one of the categories in the wide spectrum of traditional food resources. The second component consists of targeted, in-depth interviews with active eel fishers and other Mi kmaq knowledge holders. These interviews aim at collecting traditional knowledge through in-depth interviews with knowledgeable Elders and active harvesters regarding the use and status of the target species. While the resulting data also cover the timespan of living memory, they include the most current observations. The interview process was designed to combine an approach that has proven itself in MAPS earlier, multi-year land use and occupancy research with a set of questions geared towards ATK collection in the context of species at risk (SAR) research, in this case eel. Thirdly, group meetings were held in Shubenacadie and Pictou Landing with eel harvesters and interested community members in general to discuss eel-related observations and concerns. And finally, this study also takes into account some existing published or unpublished research into eel ATK carried by other Mi kmaq researchers 2. This report combines and presents the findings of this study project to Environment Canada and Fisheries and Oceans Canada, and the Mi kmaq community. The first part of the report (sections 2 & 3) provides a brief general description of the American Eel and regional eel fishery, and an introduction into the Mi kmaq relationship with the eel in mainland Nova Scotia, drawn primarily from existing published studies and unpublished research. 1 2 Geographic Information Systems Lewis 2006, 2011; Prosper 2002a,b, 2003, 2004a,b,c, 2005, 2011; Soosaar 2005.

6 The second part (section 4) focuses on ATK collected through this project s interviews and the review of existing relevant interview transcripts from the MAPS archive. 5

7 6 2.) The American Eel, Species of Concern Around the world, concerns are raised about the health and stability of eel populations, including in Canada 3. In North America population declines are observed or suspected in many areas. The American Eel was first assessed the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada (COSEWIC) in 2006 and listed as a species of special concern 4. Because, as a catadromous species 5, eels spend much of their life cycle in the sea, and because they don t appear to receive as much research attention as commercially more valuable fish species, scientific information about them is relatively sparse, and baseline information describing past occurrences, migration patterns, habitat conditions, etc. in a given region even more so. Without solid knowledge about their past and present status, and the threats they face locally, it is impossible to assess whether eel 6 populations are at risk, and if so, what can be done to assist in their recovery. ATK is able to fill some of those gaps. Eel are a long-lived fish species. They may reach thirty years of age or more, most of it spent in fresh or brackish water of rivers, lakes and estuaries. The life cycle of the eel is graphically well captured in figure 1. Eels spawn and hatch in the Sargasso Sea. Young eels drift as larvae (fig.3) with the ocean currents northward, growing on-route, and metamorphose into unpigmented glass eels (fig. 4) as they approach coastal waters. Entering the brackish waters of estuaries eels become increasingly pigmented (brown) at which stage they are called elvers (fig. 5). Generally, elvers enter freshwater and migrate up rivers and into lakes where they reside and grow into larger yellow eels 7 over a span of 7-30 years (fig. 6). A portion of the elvers, however, tends to stay and mature in or near coastal waters, in estuaries, lower tidal rivers, bays and harbours. At this late life stage, as yellow eels, sexual differentiation occurs. As a rule, eels overwinter by burying themselves in muddy sediments on the bottom of estuaries, lakes and streams Fisheries & Oceans Canada 2006:7 COSEWIC Fish species whose lives begin and end in the sea, but spend most of their time in freshwater (the opposite of the anadromous life-cycle of salmon). The term eel in the following discourse refers to the American Eel (Anguilla rostrata), as opposed to the European Eel (Anguilla anguilla). With yellow-brown pigmentation.

8 7 The eel s maturation phase spans over many years, progressing somewhat faster for those living in saltwater habitats 8, culminating in large adult silver 9 eels (figs. 7 & 8) which then migrate back to the Sargasso Sea to spawn. Depending on its size, a female may lay between 0.5 and 5 million eggs or more 10. However, eels only spawn once, and then die. Fig. 1: Life Cycle of the Eel 11 While silver eels have been commercially fished for many decades in the St. Lawrence and Great Lakes regions, primarily for the European and Quebec market, commercial fishing for non-local markets is a fairly recent development in Nova Scotia. In addition, demand for elvers for use in eel-farming in Asia, especially Japan, has resulted in the late 1980s in the rise of a commercial elver fishery in Nova Scotia, mainly along the South Shore Growth rate increases with salinity of water (COSEWIC 2006:17). Grey and silver pigmented Atlantic State Marine Fisheries Commission 200, cited in Prosper & Paulette 2002a:6 Source: Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources Fisheries & Oceans Canada 2006:6-7

9 8 Apart from that, the eel fishery in Nova Scotia has been carried out primarily by Mi kmaq, for personal use and trade, with the exception of s small number of Acadian and other non-mi kmaq fishers along the Northumberland Strait, St. Georges Bay and South Shore 13. While eel fishery returns in many areas along the St. Lawrence and in the Great Lakes region have experienced a decline in the late 1970 s and again even more so in late1980s 14, reports about Nova Scotia stocks seems to also show a decline the onset of which appears to vary depending on locality. Fig. 2: Maritime Eel Landings (excluding elvers), Prosper 2011 The decline resulted in a closure of the commercial eel fishery in Ontario in Fisheries & Oceans Canada 2006.:5-6; COSEWIC 2006:20ff., 29; Environment Canada 2007; Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources 2006, Source: Prosper & Paulette 2002a:4.

10 9 Eel Life Stages 16 : Fig. 3: Eel larva (leptocephalus) Fig. 4: Glass Eels Fig. 5: Elver Fig. 6: Yellow Eel Fig. 7: Silver Eel Fig. 8: Silver Eel 16 Image sources: Fig. 3 - O.K. Raskoff 2001, fig. 4 - MRNF, Secteur Faune Québec, fig. 7 - Andy Martinez; figs. 5,6,8 - Parks Canada

11 10 3.) Traditional Mi kmaq Relationship with the Eel Eels have played an important role in the economy and culture of Nova Scotia Mi kmaq since pre-contact times. As we shall see below, the eel fishery has always played a crucial role in the in the yearly cycle of resource activities. In fact it is one of the few year-round economic activities and has, in some regions, even shaped Mi kmaq land tenure and occupancy. However, the significance of eel to the Mi kmaq goes far beyond economics. It plays an important role in the social, cultural, and spiritual fabric of Mi kmaq society. 3.1.) Economic Relationship The Mi kmaq eel fishery in Nova Scotia consists of two distinct complexes, determined by local ecological parameters and involving different, specifically adapted, technologies. One of these is the freshwater fisheries, exemplified by the eel weir fishery in virtually all primary river systems in southwest Nova Scotia, but also occurring in river systems along the Eastern Shore. The other one is the saltwater fishery carried out in larger estuaries and harbour basins, for example Tatamagouche, Pictou/Merigomish, Antigonish and Pomquet harbours along the Northumberland Strait and St. Georges Bay, as well as major tidal rivers such as the Shubenacadie/Stewiacke River system. The Mi kmaq eel fishery is a year-round resource activity, carried out in different types of habitat using a variety of harvesting techniques depending on the season ) Freshwater Eel Fishery While popular opinion has Mi kmaq occupying the coast nearly year-round taking advantage of the seasonal cycles of the large variety of coastal and marine fish and wildlife resources, and penetrating the densely forested interior only during brief hunting forays in the fall and early winter 18, recent studies have confirmed long-time assertions by Mi kmaq that their ancestors, highly mobile as they were, used to occupy all regions of the province. This included spending extended periods of time at all seasons in the interior. Research conducted over the past ten years by Mi kmaq archaeologist Roger Lewis 19 has revealed that it was indeed the eel as a food staple that allowed Mi kmaq families or groups to Lewis 2006, SRSF 2002, Prosper & Paulette 2002b. Hoffmann 1955 Lewis 2006, 2011

12 11 live in the Nova Scotia interior for extended periods of time, possibly year-round. Eel is the one inland resource that represents a high-energy food item, is predictable and reliable in its availability, accessible year-round, easy to preserve, and periodically present in large enough quantities to support larger congregations of people. While a number of eel weir structures have been known in this region, archaeological surveys in southwest Nova Scotia over the past few years have added a surprising number of discoveries of additional ancient stone eel weirs along the Mersey and Medway rivers, Allains Creek, and others. During a summer survey in 2006, for example, twelve additional sites were discovered and recorded along the Mersey River bringing the total number of known sites in the river section between Rossignol and Liverpool to 49. Eel weir structures can be found on virtually all of the major river systems in Nova Scotia west of the Gold River: the Gold River itself, the LaHave, Medway, Mersey, Roseway, Clyde/Barrington, Tusket, Meteghan, Sissiboo/Bear and Annapolis river systems 20. Once constructed with the readily available local material of river rocks, these sites have been supporting many generations of Mi kmaq families. Especially during the periods of the fall eel migration to the sea, these weirs have reliably been providing large amounts of high-quality food and thus allowed larger groups to congregate at these sites for the duration of the migration. These eel weirs and their associated archaeological sites (fish processing and habitation sites) document a 5000 year-long history of Mi kmaq occupancy in this region based on the eel fishery. There are several depictions of eels and eel fishing among the petroglyphs at and around Kejimkujik Lake. Tow example of these are show below (figs. 9 & 10) 21. Fig. 9: Mi kmaq in Canoe with Eel Fig: 10: Eel The season and the physical conditions of a streambed or lake bottom are the factors determining the appropriate fishing techniques Lewis 2006:3, 2011; Mersey Tobeatic Research Institute & Parks Canada 2006: Source: Parks Canada

13 12 With riverbeds in southwest Nova Scotia being mostly rocky and the muddy sediments preferred by wintering eels found primarily in lakes, winter fishing inland focused on lakes and was conducted by spearing through holes cut into the lake ice. Summer 22 fishing in lakes may be conducted through spearing at night using a torch as an attractant, with the aid of eel baskets, traps or pots, fyke or hoop nets, and currently by angling as well. In streams, eels may be found during the summer hiding under rocks or in the occasional muddybottom pool or eddy, and may be caught using a short-handled spear. The primary season for fishing eels in steams, however, is the fall (late August to November) when adult eels migrate downstream to the estuary and ocean. This is the time when weir fishing is most effective. Eel weirs in this environment normally consist of a downstream-oriented V-shaped structure of rocks, or rocks and sticks, with an opening at the apex at which a basket or net may be placed (fig. 11) 23. Eel weirs with a closed apex are used during the winter months, but to a lesser extent and with lower productivity. Fig. 11: Stone eel weir Summer fishing in this context refers to fishing during the ice-free period, including late spring and fall. For a detailed description of the weir fishing technology in sw NS see Lewis 2006.

14 13 While most of the known Mi kmaq eel weirs and inland archaeological sites are located in southwest Nova Scotia, relatively few have been recorded along the Eastern Shore s river systems. This, however, may be due to the fact that there generally has less archaeological work been carried out in this region. As the area displays similar habitats and eels are known to frequent these rivers as well, it is be reasonable to assume that more eel weirs and associated Mi kmaq archaeological sites will be found in the future along the Eastern Shore river systems such as the Musquodoboit, Ship Harbour Long Lake, Tangier, Sheet Harbour, Moser, Liscomb, Country Harbour and other rivers. Traditionally, the Mi kmaq eel fishery in Southwest Nova Scotia has been based on yellow and silver eels only as elvers have no significant food value. The commercial elver fishery currently going on along the South Shore is not carried out by Aboriginal fishers. The serious decline in the Mi kmaq eel weir fishery in southwest Nova Scotia in the first half of the 20 th century must be attributed to a combination of several factors: Two social policies by governments at the time proved to be economically and culturally very disruptive to Mi kmaq society. The centralization policy pushed families from this region to settle in Shubenacadie 24, and in combination with the enforcement of a residential school system for Aboriginal children, these policies interrupted both the access by the respective families to familiar resource areas and the transmission of traditional knowledge about the local environment, resource cycles, and appropriate harvesting techniques from one generation to the next. On the ground, the ever-encroaching logging industry altered river habitats through clearing along riverbanks, the construction of mills and mill ponds, and particularly through the log drives that scoured river bottoms and destroyed many eel weir structures. During the same time, the Province began to promote hydropower development in order to meets its growing electricity needs, and dams and generating station began to be built along nearly all of the major river systems ) Saltwater Eel Fishery The saltwater fishery for eel is also a year-round activity, conducted in the shallow waters of estuaries, coastal bays, harbours and lagoons. This type of the Mi kmaq fishery seems to be most active in the large estuaries and natural harbours along Nova Scotia s Northumberland Shore and St. Georges Bay. The eel fishery in lower tidal rivers may be viewed an extension of the estuarine fishery as the respective habitat (stream bottom characteristics) tends to share more similarities with the 24 The goal of this policy was to relocate and centralized the province s Mi kmaq population in two large reserves, Shubenacadie on the mainland and Eskasoni on Cape Breton Island.

15 14 estuary than with the rocky river beds in southwest Nova Scotia. Consequently, similar harvesting techniques are employed 25. During the summer fishing season harvesting focussed on the shoals in those estuaries and harbours with the preferred habitat being eelgrass beds. Fishing methods employed may consist of spear fishing off small boats or canoes during the night using a torch to attract the eels, the use of eel pots/traps, hoop or fyke nets or occasionally angling. As eels congregate and settle late fall to spend the winter in areas of the estuary or harbour with muddy sediments, the winter fishery would see eel harvesters on the ice, once local ice conditions are safe (usually from mid-january to early March), cutting holes in the ice layer and spearing eels. Suitable fishing areas are therefore determined by the existence of muddy bottom and a depth limited by the reach of the eel spear. Some of the Acadian non-aboriginal fishermen in the Antigonish-Pomquet region have adopted the Mi kmaq technique of eel spearing 26. Eel fishing in tidal rivers such as the Shubenacadie and Stewiacke is also a year-round affair with peaks during the late summer/fall outmigration of eels and the winter. Winter fishing techniques are similar to the ones used in the estuarine fishing, and eel pots or hoop nets may be used here in the summer as well. A certain number of eels are also caught as by-catch by anglers. Over the past decades, fishing pressure on the eel has increased significantly due to a marked increase in non-aboriginal commercial fishing activity along the Northumberland Shore and St. Georges Bay, targeting both mature eels and elvers. While parts of Pomquet Harbour have recently been closed to commercial fishing in response to dwindling returns, Antigonish Harbour is still open and yields are reported to be dropping ) Significance of the Eel Fishery in the Mi kmaq Economy The importance of the eel sector of the Mi kmaq economy is generally vastly underestimated in the ethnographic and historical literature, and only recent archaeological and ATK research has begun to correct this misconception While it is possible that weir fishing was also used to some extent in tidal rivers, the lack of suitable rocks would require the use of wooden stakes for weir construction. Weirs constructed in this manner would likely not last longer than a season (due to the particular current and ice activities) nor leave traces in the archaeological record. Prosper 2011 Ibid. Lewis 2006; Prosper & Paulette 2002a,b, 2003; SRSF & Paq tnkek Fish and Wildlife Society 2002.

16 15 As indicated earlier, eels were and are but one part of the wide spectrum of traditional food resources yet one that is, unlike most others, available year-round across the province in a variety of environments: in all major Nova Scotia river systems, in many lakes throughout the interior, in estuaries and associated coastal bays and lagoons. Even though essentially migratory, it can predictably and consistently be found at known locations. Eels can be harvested in large numbers and easily be preserved 29 just prior to winter, the season during which the availability of some other food resources declines or temporary disappears 30. Until the arrival of large-scale commercial eel fishing, population levels of eel were high and remained fairly stable. In addition, eels are a food source with an exceptionally high nutritional/caloric value 31. Most other fish and wildlife, and certainly plant resources, are seasonal 32 or highly mobile 33, or subject to significant fluctuation in numbers 34 and therefore less reliable. Fig 12: Chris Morris drying eels on a rack in Eskasoni, Through drying or smoking, see fig. 12. E.g. most food plants, shellfish, waterfowl. Meads 2010 E.g. salmon, trout, shad, gaspereau, smelt, shellfish, waterfowl E.g. moose, caribou (up the 1900s) E.g. rabbits Robert S. Peabody Museum of Archaeology 2001:47

17 16 The fact that a number of Mi kmaq place names point to the local presence of eels or eel weirs is also a clear indicator of the importance that Mi kmaq attach to this resource. Descriptive as they generally are, most Aboriginal place names serve as travel markers or land use indicators 36. In these instances they point to the significance of this resource at a particular location, and of that location in the context of the eeling sector of the Mi kmaq economy. A few examples of such place names are 37 : Mi kmaq toponym Translation Registered toponym or location description Isagogin place for weirs Cheggogin Nesakunechkik eel weir Onslow Nesogwaakade eel weirs Paradise Nesogwade eel pots near Liverpool Nesogwakade place of eels or eel traps Lawrencetown Nesogwitk eel point point between Starrs Point & Cornwallis River mouth Ooptomagogin place for eels Eel Brook It is therefore not an exaggeration to say that eels have traditionally been playing a crucial role in the Mi kmaq economy and have represented the single most important food resource. 3.2.) Cultural Significance The importance of the eel to Mi kmaq society goes far beyond economics but permeates other elements of Mi kmaq culture as well as discussed. On the social level, eeling is a group activity and as such strengthens group cohesion and cooperation. This is true even more so for customary sharing of the catch with extended family, Elders and other community members 38. Eels or eel products, such as the skin or oil, are used for medicinal purposes, as will be described in more detail below 39. Mi kmaq relationships with the environment and all of its components was guided by the belief that all living things such as humans, animals and plants, elements such as wind and water, as Weiler 2008 According to Lewis 2006:31f. SRSF & Paq tnkek Fish and Wildlife Society 2002 Prosper & Paulette 2002b, SRSF & Paq tnkek Fish and Wildlife Society 2002

18 17 well as rocks and some mountains, were infused with spirit or animate, and part of a large interdependent system 40. In return for being nourished by these beings, humans bore the responsibility to treat these spirits with respect and gratitude which was expressed through appropriate, ethical behaviour 41 and the offering of ceremonial gifts. The eel was one of those animate and spiritual beings, and eels thus play a role in the ceremonial realm. Eel parts, for example, were given as offerings to the spirits as an expression of gratitude, and there are legends in which eels play a significant role interacting with other spirits and in shaping the lives of humans Prosper 2011, Prosper & Paulette 2002b:1 Environmental ethics and other guidelines as expressed in the principles of Netukulimk Prosper & Paulette 2002b

19 18 4.) Eel ATK as Collected from Mi kmaq Knowledge Holders in Mainland Nova Scotia 4.1.) Life Cycle, Habitat Preferences & Migration Patterns Mi kmaq refer to the eel as Kat, Katew or Kataq. These are used as a general terms for eels in all life stages familiar to the Mi kmaq, from elvers to silver eels. The stages generally appear to being differentiated through additional descriptors such as big, small / young or baby eels (silver eels, yellow eels, and elvers, respectively). Watching young eels arrive on the coast, move upriver into the interior and return to the seas some years later as adults, Mi kmaq harvesters are well aware of the life cycle and migration patterns of eels once they have arrived on the Nova Scotia coast. However, as the spawning and first life stage of the eel occurs beyond their realm of personal observation and experience, Mi kmaq have not had the opportunity to encounter eels in their larval stage. Some of have found glass eels as incidental catch in their nets or traps when fishing near the shore. As they approach the estuary they gain pigmentation and turn brown. Most of those who fish eels in inland streams and lakes have never seen them in their glass eel phase. As environmental clues for the onset of the elver migration, the blooming of strawberries was mentioned, the appearance of frogs and pussy willows, the seeding of alders, and the onset of trout, gaspereau, smelt or shad runs. Of the elvers arriving in the estuaries during spring and summer, a portion begins to move into freshwater as soon as environmental conditions allow. Ideal conditions for the migration upriver and into lakes are when heavy rains raise water levels, which tend to occur often in June or September/October. High water levels in combination with dark nights, especially during a new moon, appear to trigger the migration of large numbers of elvers making their way upstream. Along the way, they may be found resting under rocks and hiding from predators. With surprising tenacity they manage to climb falls over rocks that are barely wet with spray, or through wet grass along the river s edge. It may take young eels several years to settle into a particular location with an appealing habitat, and once established there don t appear to range very far. While in the rocky streams in southwest Nova Scotia they appear to be passing along fairly rapidly to their destination, they tend to stay longer in slow-moving muddy rivers. Arrived in suitable habitats, such as lakes and slow-moving rivers with muddy sediment or bottoms with a layer of decomposing organic material, they spend several years growing into yellow eels, a stage that will two decades or more. Sexual differentiation occurs at some point during this stage.

20 19 The time it takes for eels to mature appears to vary somewhat from one individual to another, probably depending on habitat conditions such as food supply or average water temperature. During the summer, their habitat requirements appear to be somewhat flexible. Smaller to midsize yellow eels can be found under and between rocks in the stony river habitats typical for the southwest Nova Scotia and the Eastern Shore river systems while the larger eels tend to prefer soft-bottom water bodies. All, however, seek muddy sediments to bury in as their preferred winter habitat. Female eels tend to grow larger than males. While females eels often reach over one metre in length, males may average about half that size. Once eels have reached maturity, their pigmentation changes to a grey/black and silver colouration. Soon thereafter they begin to make their way back to the estuary, and finally the ocean. Again, heavy rains usually trigger the outmigration of silver eels, most of which happening at nighttime. In some lakes which do not appear to have an out-flowing stream yet sustain an eel population, mature silver eels, ready to migrate, may have to wait for several years before a heavy-enough rain fall or storm creates flood conditions that allow them to escape into a river. On the other hand, eels have been observed during rainy nights travelling surprising distances overland through wet grass from one water body to another. The salmon run may serve as an environmental indicator for the fall migration of eels as they both tend to coincide. Having arrived at the estuary, some of the eels may spend some time there, the following winter or longer, before eventually moving on to their final destination to spawn, and die. Nova Scotia tidal rivers such as the Shubenacadie/Stewiacke, Cornwallis, Gaspereau and Annapolis 43 river systems represent a unique third type of environment for eels. Compared to the swift-flowing, rocky rivers of the South and Eastern Shores, these run slowly and have a silty or muddy bottom for much, if not most, of their length. Having reached the river mouths, elvers travel upstream towards the headwaters and into associated lakes, but appear to be in less of a rush to do so since the river bottoms provide a more hospitable habitats. Many stay in suitable river sections, overwintering buried in the mud, and growing into yellow and finally silver eels. Having reached maturity after many years they, like all other eels, they descend back into the ocean one fall to make their way to the spawning grounds. While one part of the elvers arriving at the estuary leaves to ascend into freshwater, the other stays in the estuary or neighbouring bays and natural harbours. Here they mature, growing into yellow and finally silver eels. 43 Prior to the 1983/84 construction of the dam and tidal power station in Annapolis Royal, the head of the tide was near Bridgetown.

21 20 It has been noted that these saltwater eels tend to mature faster and reach a larger size than their freshwater cousins. Between spring and fall, eels can be found anywhere in the estuary and bays, but the preferred habitats are shoals and other shallow areas, ideally with eel grass beds. As the water temperature cools in late fall, eels display less and less movement. Once it drops below approximately 10 C they withdraw into the muddy portions of the estuary and bury in the sediment for the winter. It has been observed that the holes the eels bury themselves in do not close through the winter which leads one to assume that the eels do not hibernate in the true sense, but maintain some limited mobility. 44 Since they don t appear to be feeding during the winter, it has been suggested that mating might be the purpose for their movement. Recent reports of shrinking or disappearing eel grass beds are disconcerting. While there is a naturally fluctuating cycle in the amounts of eels grass growing in a given area, they appear to be drastic enough to cause concern among some of the experienced Mi kmaq fishers. After all, eel grass beds are preferred eel habitat, and the disappearance of such eel grass beds will inescapably have repercussions on the sediment conditions in the affected areas. Eels are very generalized, non-selective, feeders. While they are known for scavenging, they primarily prey on minnows, chub, small crustaceans, green crab and green crab eggs, leaches, snails and other small water animals. During the elver stage, they generally feed on benthos, small water insects and larvae. Eels themselves are preyed upon, besides humans, by bald eagles, ospreys, otters, and seals. Elvers are also subject to predation from other larger fish species, for example bass, salmon, and trout. 4.2.) Contemporary Mi kmaq Eel Fishery ) Saltwater Eeling The Mi kmaq eel fishery in mainland Nova Scotia, while occurring across the region focuses around four high-activity areas: in the large estuaries along the Northumberland Strait and St. Georges Bay, in the Shubenacadie/Stewiacke River system, in the Cornwallis, Gaspereau and Annapolis rivers in the Annapolis Valley, and in the south-western part of the province in the Mersey, Medway, and Bear rivers. 44 Prosper 2011

22 21 Fig. 13: Eel Spear Head, Summer Use Fig. 14: Eel Spear Head, Winter Use Traditionally, much of the eel fishery has been done using eel spears of about feet in length. Since spear fishing during the summer relies on visual cues and thrusts could be aimed accurately, a two-pronged spear head with a central spike was used (fig.13). During winter fishing, when one has to rely on tactile clues, on trying to feel the whereabouts of eels in the mud, a wider spear head with more and closer-spaced barbed prongs is more effective (fig. 14). Other technologies used are baited eel traps/pots, hoop nets and fyke nets. Looking from west to east at the large estuaries and bays along the Northumberland Strait and St. Georges Bay, eel fishing has been documented at the Tatamagouche Harbour and mouth of the Waughs River, Brule Harbour and the mouth of River John. Further to the east, eels are fished in Pictou Harbour and the entire bay of the East River of Pictou as well as Boat Harbour. In recent years, eeling in Pictou Harbour seems to be decreasing due to concerns about pollution. The next major bay to the east is Merigomish Harbour which sees much eeling activity throughout the basin. Further on along the coast, Antigonish Harbour is also used extensively. Reports are that due to heavy commercial harvesting eels numbers have been dropping in Antigonish Harbour. Still further east, Pomquet Harbour (including Monks Head Harbour) is another key area of the Mi kmaq eel fishery. Here as well, harvesting pressure is intense due to commercial fishing. The last major harvesting area along the St. Georges Bay Fig. 15: Winter spear fishing for eels 45 is Tracadie Harbour. 45 Courtesy Kerry & Jaden Prosper

23 22 Throughout the year eeling areas generally vary somewhat depending on the season, the characteristics of the seas floor, and the fishing techniques employed. During the winter, once the ice is safe to walk on (at a thickness of 3 or more, which now is usually from about mid- January to mid-march) 46, Mi kmaq spear fish over areas with muddy sea bottom. The maximum water depth is determined, of course, by the length of the spear. A hole is cut in the ice, and the spear is thrust into the mud, starting straight below the hole, than radiating out in ever widening circles by increasing the angle of the spear. Once the area under one hole has been covered, a new one may be cut nearby and the process repeated. Over the past decades, this effective technique has been adopted with increasing popularity by non-mi kmaq which has resulted in the introduction of an official non-aboriginal recreational eel fishing season in this region, usually starting between January As a result, this fishery which used be carried out by Mi kmaq only, is now becoming more competitive and suitable fishing areas are gradually getting more crowded 47 and fewer eels are available for the Mi kmaq food fishery 48. During the fall, eels may also be fished off a small boat in shallow water during daytime using either a winter or summer spear depending on water depth and clarity. During late fall, the eels may already have settled in the mud, at which point the appropriate spear is used. Fig. 16: Spear fishing off a boat 49 Fig. 17: Spear fishing off a canoe This period of safe ice conditions is reported to have shrunk significantly over the past 5 decades. The season for winter spear fishing used to average from about early December to the end of March. Davis & al. 2004:23, SRSF 2002:46 Davis & al :23; SRSF 2002:46 Using winter spear in muddy ground. By K.Prosper, source: Prosper 2001 Using summer spear head. Historical photo (year unknown) of Mi kmaq fishing eel of a traditional Mi kmaq birchbark canoe. Source: McCord Museum, Montreal, Qc.

24 23 During the summer eels are also usually caught in shallow areas (ideally over eel grass beds), but the range is somewhat extended. As spear fishing during this season is done from boats and generally at night, eels are attracted to the light of a torch mounted at one end of the boat and approach the surface. This, consequently, allows fishing in greater water depth than the winter spearing technique does. Like other coastal fisheries carried out by boat, the summer spear fishery is subject to weather and tidal conditions. Compared to the winter spear fishery, spear fishing in the summer so far seems to be less attractive to non-aboriginals as a recreational activity, possibly due to the fact that is requires more investment in equipment such as boats and lamps. Another fishing technique that has always been employed by Mi kmaq is eel pots or traps. Traditionally they were a special form of basket, now they are made out of wire. These traps are usually set in shallow water close to the shore. Hoop or fyke nets are also usually set close to the shore for a period of time, during which they are checked regularly. This technique is not a targeted fishery since it tends to catch a variety of species indiscriminately. It is said to have been introduced in this area in the 1960s. This fishing method is not used much by Mi kmaq, but to a considerable extent by the non-aboriginal commercial fishery. It is reported to have increased the overall harvest of eels significantly, in particular in Antigonish Harbour 51. The majority of eels harvested in this region tend to be taken by spearing during the winter ) Freshwater Eeling Riverine fishing is also carried out quite extensively along the main river systems feeding into Northumberland Strait and St. Georges Bay even though more effort is invested into estuary fishing in this region. Eeling was reported, for example, along the Shiminicas River, Barneys Brook, the Afton River and the Tracadie River. Other river systems with extensive eeling activity are the Nappan River, Farrells River north of Parrsboro, the West and East River Sheet Harbour, the Cornwallis, Gaspereau and Annapolis Rivers, the Shubenacadie/Stewiacke system off the Minas Basin, and in the Province s southwest the LaHave, Gold, Medway, Mersey, Salmon (north of Port Maitland) and Bear Rivers, as well as Henderson Brook (at the head of St. Mary s Bay). As indicated earlier, fishing methods differ between the slow-moving rivers with muddy, silty or organic sediments and the fast moving, rocky rivers. 51 Prosper 2011

25 24 As the slow-moving streams with a generous layer of sediment provide a more suitable habitat than stony and swift rivers, the eels tend to stay longer, can be fished over a longer time period, and yield larger eels. In general, most of the eels harvested in the lower sections of the river are yellow eels, and the proportion of silver eels in the catch tends to increase as one moves further upstream. In tidal 52 and other slow-moving rivers 53, winter fishing may be done in a similar manner than in the estuary. Holes are made in the ice sheet above sites where eels are known or expected to lay buried in the mud, and spears are employed to dislodge and haul them to the surface. During the summer, eel pots are employed, and a number of eels are caught incidentally by individuals angling for other fish species. Among those rivers, the Shubenacadie/Stewiacke River system, including the Gays and Nine Mile River tributaries, is the most heavily utilized. This is due to the proximity of the two largest mainland reserves, Indian Brook and Millbrook. The very different character or habitat of most of the rivers in southwest Nova Scotia naturally requires different harvesting methods. The flow patterns and, to a large part, barren river beds do not provide and very hospitable eel habitat, and as a consequence, young eels move through these river sections fairly quickly to settle in the few calmer, soft-bottom river section or lakes of the upper watershed. As a result, eeling here focuses on the outmigration of silver eels in the fall, and weir fishing as the harvesting method. The main fishing season in this environment is thus fairly short but potentially very productive. Still, they are also fished to some extent outside the migration period by searching for them under rocks and in tight protected places and catching them with a short-handled spear. Over the past few decades, the Mi kmaq fishery in this region has declined significantly, as mentioned above, largely due to government interventions such as the resettlement of families into larger reserves and the disruption of the intergenerational transmission of ATK through the residential school system 54. Some of the larger interior lakes are known to hold considerable populations of eels, for example Shortts Lake, Grand Lake (Shubenacadie), Indian Lake (near New Germany), Ponhook Lake, Mulgrave Lake, and Lake Joli, Eeling in these water bodies may be done ear-round. Eel pots are effective during the summer, and so is spearing off a boat at night time with the aid of a light. During winter, eels are speared through holes in the ice In lower sections of tidal rivers, unsafe ice conditions due to the drastic water level fluctuations may prevent winter spear fishing in many places E.g, Shubenacadie/Stewiacke, Gaspereau, Cornwallis, Annapolis rivers, Henderson Brook Lewis 2011

26 ) Mi kmaq Uses of Eel While the primary use of eels is for household consumption, food is by far not their only use ) Eel as a Food Source Within the range of fish and wildlife resources available to Mi kmaq, eels are one of the most rich food sources with respect to their nutritional and caloric value. The fact that it is available year-round adds to its significance as a resource and food staple. Most of the Mi kmaq interviewed differentiate between saltwater and freshwater eels and it is unclear whether that distinction is due to actual differences in taste, fat content, average health status 55, or more of a perceptional issue. Several Mi kmaq expressed concern about freshwater eels due to the increasing contamination of rivers and lakes. Whatever the rationale may be, those who have a choice in most cases prefer saltwater eels 56. Eels are usually conserved by drying, or salting, less often by smoking. Salted eels, caught in the summer, are reported to last all winter. Most Mi kmaq, however, enjoy them fresh, prepared by boiling, baking, or frying them. Eels were referred to as a delicacy, or as comfort food since a good meal of eel at the end of the day makes one feel content and sleepy. While all of the older respondents indicated that eels were an important part of their diet, particularly during winters, the frequency reported ranged from one or two times a week to several times during the winter. The frequency appear to drop with the age of the respondent, and the current adolescent generation is generally not fond of consuming eel a trend that some attribute to today s fast-food culture, advertising, and peer-pressure among school age children ) Eel as a Commercial Resource Few of the respondents indicated having used eels for sale. Those who did, did so in the past taking a portion of their eels to the Halifax market up to about the 1970s. One Elder, on the other hand, reacted quite indignant at the mere suggestion that a (culturally) valuable resource such as the eel should be sold commercially: Eels are for sharing! It has been observed that saltwater eels tend to be less prone to harbouring parasites that freshwater eels, Denny See also SRSF 2002:33

27 ) Social Functions of Eel fishery and Consumption The second most important use mentioned by all was sharing. There is an expectation that eel fishers distribute part of their catch at least within their extended families. It appears that the higher the respondent s age, the wider his/her sharing network and the larger the proportion given away. The statement that most of the respective person s catch was given away was not uncommon. This practice of sharing food is part of the traditional Mi kmaq social security system, and it is still part of the traditional code of proper behaviour in Mi kmaq communities. On another level, the custom also serves to strengthen interpersonal relationships, family ties, and in general social cohesion within the community. And since eel harvesting, sharing as well as consumption normally group activities, it may be said, in fact, that the eel and eel fishery play an important role in strengthening social cohesion in Mi kmaq communities. The eel fishery is also an important part of the enculturation of young Mi kmaq. Fishers are generally introduced to eeling by their fathers, grandfathers or uncles, and the amount of knowledge required to enable a novice to carry out this activity safely and effectively is vast. It ranges from knowledge about the life ways of the eel, its biology, habitat requirements, developmental processes, migration and other behaviour patterns, conservation measures, to the assessment of seasonal weather patterns and the ability to read the ice conditions in estuaries, in rivers and tidal zones, and on inland lakes. When transmitted orally from father or Elder to son or fishing novice, these teachings are permeated with a Mi kmaq cultural perspective, are in short Mi kmaq traditional knowledge ) Medicinal Uses of Eel This eel ATK (or MEK) mentioned above includes knowledge about the medicinal uses of eels. The two main components of the eel used for medicinal purposes are the skin and the oil. During the cleaning of the eel, the skin is removed by stripping or peeling it off the body in one single piece. It may then be used as a bandage on sprains. Sill fresh, moist and flexible, it can be wrapped around a wrist or ankle. As it dries it will contract and stiffen forming a tight, firm bandage, almost akin to a light cast 57. While wearing this bandage, the oil contained in the skin is said to help heal the sprain. Wearing a patch of eel skin next to one s own is also said the relieve rheumatism, headaches and cramps Due to its tightening characteristics during drying and its durability, the skin was also used in practical applications such as bindings for sleds, packing straps, for fastening spear and harpoon heads to shafts, etc. (Prosper & Paulette 2002b:2) Lacey 1977:40, 56); Prosper & Paulette 2002b:2

28 27 During the boiling or frying of eels a lot of it is rendered out during frying and can be collected for medicinal applications. As an ointment, it may for example be used on cuts to speed up healing or applied to the ear to relieve earaches ) Spiritual Significance of the Eel Mi kmaq believe that the eel, as other living things in nature, is animate, a physical as well as spiritual being, and an integral part of the web of life that connects all beings on an equal footing, including humans. The eel who nourishes people therefore deserves to be treated with respect and gratitude. To maintain a proper balance with the environment and its various elements and beings, the Mi kmaq practice certain customs and follow certain traditions 60. One of these, for example, is a ritual called Apuknajit (Feeding Grandfather) through which an offering is made to the spirits giving thanks for their help in surviving the winter. The offering include eel parts. When darkness has settled, food is put out into the night, preferably on an old stump or near a tree, and offered to the spirits. In days gone by, eel skins and fish heads were offered. An Elder would lead the family to a stump, give thanks for surviving so far and ask for additional assistance until spring (Murdena Marshall 61 ). In some of the Mi kmaq legends, the eel plays an active role in shaping the world. Two example for such legends are: The Legend of the Tidal Bore 62 In the days of Glooscap the river water was clear and fresh. Until a monster Eel swam down the river and pushed all of the fishes and all the fresh water into the salty bay. Turtle told Glooscap of the cruel hardships that resulted. Glooscap gave great powers to Lobster, who grew much in size and strength and fought the Eel. The long battle stirred up much mud and many waves far up the river until the Eel was killed. And even today in Glooscap's bay and on the muddy river, with an elbow bend, the battle scene takes place twice a day Prosper 2011 Prosper & Paulette 2002b:1, Prosper 2011 As quoted in Prosper and Paulette 2002:3 As told by Michael Francis

29 28 Storm Maker 63 One legend, "the Storm Maker" (a mighty bird), tells of the plentiful supply of eels and other fish in the sea which were the main source of food for the Mi kmaq people during the "hungry moons of winter". This was the case until the arrival of the Storm Maker. The Storm Maker caused all the fish and eels to be swept out to sea by the wind created through the flapping of its wings. A Mi kmaq tricked the Storm Maker and bound up its wings to prevent it from driving the fish and eels out to sea. But, a scum covered the water so that the people were unable to see the eels and fish. At this point, the Storm Maker s wings were unbound by the Mi kmaq after giving the promise not to cause such strong winds. The Storm Maker did create enough wind, though, to blow away the scum and allow the people to once again see the eels and fish. The significance of the eel in Mi kmaq society is woven into all aspects of their culture, from economics, to social behaviours and norms, medicinal practices, and Mi kmaq worldview and religion. The following tables illustrate the different types of uses of the eel to Mi kmaq society. It needs to be kept in mind, however, that the statistics on which these graphs are based stem from studies carried out in a single community, Paqtnkek, over a number of years in early They may serve as an example here, but the specific numbers given are not representative for other Mi kmaq communities. Fig.18: Use of Eels by Harvester s Gender Robertson 1969:46-48 SRSF 2002:21