LESSONS FROM THE CITY OF VANCOUVER. How to Accommodate Growth and Create a More Sustainable Transportation System at the Same Time

Transcription

1 LESSONS FROM THE CITY OF VANCOUVER How to Accommodate Growth and Create a More Sustainable Transportation System at the Same Time

2 Thanks to the staff at the City of Vancouver for their assistance and support of this project: Jerry Dobrovolny, Director of Transportation Lon LaClaire, Manager, Strategic Transportation Planning Mike Anderson, Transportation Planning Don Klimchuk, Transportation Planning Photos courtesy of Kira Baker, and the Gordon Price photo collection at the University of British Columbia. Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada (2012) 1

3 Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 Methodology 6 Policy & Performance Timeline 10 Policy & Project Milestones 11 Investment 15 Transportation Performance 16 Case Study: Vancouver Greenways Program 22 Conclusion 27 Appendix A: Bibliography 29 This study was prepared for Infrastructure Canada and is distributed for information purposes only. The opinions and conclusions expressed herein are those of the consultant and do not necessarily represent the views of the Government of Canada. 2

4 Introduction This study uses the City of Vancouver as a case study to explore how prioritizing walking, bicycling, and transit in policy and funding can result in shifts in travel patterns. Although Vancouver has a strong history of supporting urban livability, these efforts ramped up with the advent of the City s 1997 Transportation Plan. In response to quality of life concerns from residents about noise, traffic, congestion and air pollution, the 1997 Plan formally prioritized non-auto transportation. This study investigates the changes in policy, infrastructure, and transportation performance that followed the adoption of the 1997 Plan, in order to document the effectiveness of these strategies and articulate lessons learned to other cities and towns with similar concerns, or interests in similar policies. Findings The trends clearly support the conclusion that focusing policy and investment to non-auto modes has made a real difference in mode shares. Vancouver offers a practical example for policymakers and municipalities struggling to accommodate growing numbers of residents and employees, but perhaps the most useful lesson is that when cities make a substantive financial and policy commitment to nonauto modes of transportation, that commitment produces results. Although the City s decision to forego highway building in the 1960s laid the groundwork for future transportation policy, the 1997 Transportation Plan coupled with the Living First land 3 use policy represented a clear shift, as it formally articulated a new set of priorities and working relationships. While population, employment, and number of trips by all modes continue to increase, the number of vehicles coming into Vancouver has decreased. While Vancouver s population has increased by 18 percent between 1996 and , and jobs have increased by 16 percent 2, the number of vehicles entering the City has actually decreased by over 6 percent since These changes have been especially dramatic Downtown, where vehicle volumes have Table 1. City of Vancouver Transportation Plan Mode Share 2021 Targets and 2008 Mode Shares. Blue cells are those where 2021 mode share goals have already been met or exceeded. The map in Figure 1 on the following page shows the locations of the three subareas. Data from the City of Vancouver and University of British Columbia (UBC). Citywide Downtown UBC 1 Metro Vancouver, Key Facts, Population in Metro Vancouver, Census Accessed Nov. 14, 2012: 2 Metro Vancouver, Key Facts, Employment Trends by Municipality. Accessed Nov. 14, 2012: City of Vancouver employment estimate used for Adjusted by the City of Vancouver to estimate Vancouver workers who listed their workplace address as no fixed place of work. 3 City of Vancouver 24-hour inbound vehicle volume data, Outbound volumes and changes are similar. Central Broadway Mode Target (2021) 2008 Target 2008 Target 2008 Target 2008 Bike / Walk At or above 18% 19% 18% 25% 10% 3% 15% 19% Transit At or above 23% 22% 34% 33% 33% 44% 25% 21% Auto At or below 59% 58% 48% 40% 56% 53% 60% 58%

5 decreased by nearly 18 percent 4, despite a 75 percent increase in population 5 and a 26 percent increase in jobs 6. As Table 1 shows, the 2021 mode share targets have largely already been met, and as of 2008, auto mode shares (including carpools) have dropped to well under 50 percent in Downtown Vancouver. Although the region has made a series of large investments in transit over the past few decades, more increases in transit capacity are still needed. As the City releases a new transportation plan and a new set of mode share targets that specifies one-third or less of trips by auto citywide, transit investment is a key strategy to make the next shift forward. 7 Figure 1. Vancouver and the Metro Vancouver region. Subareas with mode share targets in the 1997 Transportation Plan are outlined in red. 4 City of Vancouver 24-hour inbound vehicle volume data for Downtown, Outbound volumes and changes are similar. 5 City of Vancouver Downtown population data, population is estimated. 6 City of Vancouver employment estimates for downtown for 1996, 2001, 2006, Adjusted by the City of Vancouver to estimate Vancouver workers who listed their workplace address as no fixed place of work. 7 City of Vancouver, Transportation 2040 Plan, Rising to the Challenges: Demand for Transit, p Accessed 27 Nov,

6 Background As of 2011, the Government of Canada committed to work with provinces, territories, the Federation of Canadian Municipalities and other stakeholders to develop a long-term plan for public infrastructure that extends beyond the expiry of the Building Canada plan in To fulfill this commitment, Infrastructure Canada (INFC) launched a three-phased, federally-led engagement process through which it will work with key partners and stakeholders to take stock of accomplishments to date, identify gaps and strategic priorities, and confirm the principles of the next infrastructure agenda. As part of that process, INFC is sponsoring a series of research projects to provide support for long term policy and decision making among a range of stakeholders, including governments, sectoral groups and other members of the infrastructure community. Study Purpose and Context The purpose of this study is to examine the City of Vancouver s policy response to travel demand and transportation infrastructure investment, starting with its 1997 Transportation Plan. Vancouver s experience in increasing non-auto transportation mode share and meeting travel demand through investments in transit, bicycle and pedestrian modes offers an important lesson in transportation policy and investment practices. While transportation demand is expected to continue to increase throughout the country, identifying best practices and cost effective strategies to maximize mobility will help to inform infrastructure investment decisions and contribute to long term sustainability planning. Although our analysis begins with the 1997 Transportation Plan, the City of Vancouver has a history of ambitious policy decisions that have focused on promoting walking, biking, and transit investment. In the 1960s, the City set a precedent for future policy by foregoing the construction of freeways. The land use plan (CityPlan) developed in the 1990s laid out the direction for land use by directing growth into neighbourhood centres, as did the Central Area Plan for Downtown, which called for large increases in the amount of housing Downtown (the Living First policy). In 1997, with its 1997 Transportation Plan, the City formally re-oriented policy, projects and funding away from autos and towards transit, bicycles and pedestrians. Rather than trying to accommodate more cars on its streets, the City instead chose to serve the growth in trips by investing in transit and nonmotorized infrastructure. As a result, where most other North American cities prioritize roadway infrastructure and have consistently failed to improve congestion or manage demand, Vancouver's city policies have achieved better balance between modes while accommodating growing travel demand, particularly within the Downtown core. This study examines how the City of Vancouver s transportation policy has affected infrastructure investment decisions, related costs and travel behaviour across all modes. By doing so, we hope to identify lessons for other cities as they consider how to deal with the dual (and often competing) demands to accommodate growth and environmental sustainability in their transportation infrastructure planning and investments. 5

7 For this investigation, it was necessary to discern trends and relationships between modes over time, starting in 1997 (the year that the City formally re-prioritized travel modes in the Transportation Plan) up through the present. We reviewed available information and data on the three major topics: policy, investment and transportation performance. Transportation Policy Review The 1997 Transportation Plan provided the foundation for the policy review, as it was the key decision point for changes in the City s policy direction. Subsequent documents provided information on progress toward the vision laid out in the plan: 1999 Regional Travel Study (GVRD) 2002 Downtown Transportation Plan 2006 Transportation Plan Progress Report 2006 Downtown Transportation Plan Progress Report The policy documents also provided a summary of major projects and initiatives and their timing. To provide additional perspective on the City s plans and policies, we conducted interviews with key staff at the City. These interviews help to give an insider perspective and communicate some of the lessons learned for other cities and urban regions interested in implementing similar policy shifts. Investment Review The investment review relied on City of Vancouver budget reports and project lists; however, it was not possible to separate out costs for different transportation modes. City of Vancouver budgeting staff confirmed that they had previously attempted to break out investments by transportation mode and were unable to do so without a major effort. This was largely because transportation projects are typically multimodal for example, a street redesign may make improvements to sidewalks, add a bike lane, and reconfigure the parking. Further, since transit operations within the City of Vancouver are administered by a regional transit body (TransLink), estimating transit investment for only the City of Vancouver is difficult (since bus routes often cross jurisdictional boundaries). Discussions with City of Vancouver staff helped to characterize changes in investment and modal emphasis over time to the degree that it was possible to do so. Transportation Performance Review In order to document changes in travel patterns across modes over time, we reviewed transportation performance measures collected by the City of Vancouver, TransLink and Metro Vancouver since In some cases, data prior to 1997 is used to give a better before and after comparison. This included City of Vancouver mode share statistics (including those within the Downtown), changes in auto, cycling and walking volumes, as well as transit ridership statistics. To frame the transportation performance measures, we also looked at trends in residential development, population and employment, as well as regional trends in travel behaviour. From these reviews, we were able to identify broad trends and relationships between policy, investment, and mode shift and other transportation performance measures. We also considered the historical and regional context and the ways in which other policy and economic factors may have helped to precipitate, 6

8 support, or undermine such policies. Discussions with City of Vancouver staff helped to identify these factors and put the changes in transportation performance in the proper perspective. Case Study The City of Vancouver s Greenways program was used as a case study to look more closely at the dynamics of transportation policy, spending and performance. Limitations This study has a number of limitations that should be considered in order to put the findings in proper context. While we set forth what we believe is a strong argument for the relationship between policy, funding prioritization, infrastructure provision, and transportation performance, the following limitations and confounding factors should be considered. Time lags between policy, planning funding, construction and transportation performance. Long time lags can elapse between policy development and eventual changes in transportation performance. It is further likely that changes in transportation behavior in response to changes in the built environment may not be smooth and steady, as it may be necessary to reach certain thresholds in order for a major shift in behavior to take place. For example, simply widening a sidewalk along a street may not spur much of a change in transportation behavior, but if that sidewalk is accompanied by mixed-use development, a separated bike lane, and a street redesign that prioritizes pedestrian movement, visible changes may start to occur. Large differences in costs by mode. Actual project costs may not be an accurate reflection of priorities, because of the vast differences in costs between nonmotorized infrastructure and roads. Transportation projects also frequently address multiple modes as part of a single project for example, a corridor redesign could include a new alignment to improve traffic flow for vehicles, a bicycle lane, wider sidewalks, and improved bus service. Causality. It is important to remember that while this review can set forth an argument for the relationship between policy, investment and performance, it is descriptive in nature and cannot determine causation. Conducting a quantitative statistical analysis was beyond the scope of the study, impossible given the data available, and inappropriate from a research perspective. Additionally, this real world experiment lacks the controlled environment necessary to definitively prove cause and effect. Other influencing factors. Of course, transportation policy and funding are not the only factors influencing transportation behavior. A number of other factors may have helped or hindered Vancouver s policy goals. The economy, the housing market, gas prices, parking availability and pricing, changes in demographics, as well as people s preferences and attitudes, are all likely to have played a role in shaping transportation behaviour. A few of these points are worthy of additional discussion. In reviewing these shifts in transportation behaviour over time, it is important to understand the potential role of self-selection, where people self-sort into different types of urban environments based on their 7

9 lifestyle preferences, and their transportation behaviours manifest themselves according to those preferences. For example, someone who prefers bicycling, walking or transit may move to Vancouver s urban core for the opportunity to do so. Our recent research has documented a strong preference for walkable, transit-friendly neighbourhoods across the entire Metro Vancouver region. In a large survey of Metro Vancouver residents, about 28 percent of respondents would prefer to live in a neighbourhood that is more walkable than the neighbourhood they are living in now (compared to 9 percent who would rather be in a less walkable neighbourhood). 8 If this demand could be accommodated through the development of more walkable places across the region or more affordable housing in already-walkable places transportation behaviour could continue to shift. Residents who wanted to walk, bicycle and take transit would be able to live in places where they could more easily do so. Demographic trends can also change travel behaviour patterns over time. One major demographic shift happening in Vancouver, as well as most of North America, is the aging baby boom population. An aging population could mean more complex, dispersed trip patterns as residents retire and no longer are driven by the need to get to and from work. For older residents no longer able to drive, neighbourhoods designed for walking, bicycling and transit can offer mobility and a connection to their community. Older residents are also likely to be more responsive to barrier-free 8 Frank, Chapman, Kershaw and Kavage, Urban Design 4 Health (2012). City and Regional Residential Preferences Survey Results for Toronto and Vancouver: A CLASP Final Report. March 2012, p improvements to streets and transit (such as audible pedestrian signals, curb cuts and low-floor buses). Another demographic trend that is relevant for Vancouver as well as the rest of the region is the large and growing immigrant population, largely from Asia. Nationally, Metro Vancouver is the second most common destination for new immigrants, after the Toronto metro area. In the City of Vancouver, 46 percent of the population was foreign-born as of This shift in population could mean residents whose preferences for housing, transportation and accessibility are influenced by their place of origin often places where auto use is less common (for example, Hong Kong, India, and China). However, immigrants have settled in large numbers across the region over 40 percent of residents in the Metro Vancouver region were foreign-born in and at the regional level, the vast majority of trips are made by auto (see Figure 2, on page 1). While demographics may shape travel behaviour, the available evidence suggests that in this case, the influence of urban form and transit service is stronger. Further analysis would be necessary to explore the relative influence of these different factors. Finally, land use policy beginning with the 1991 CityPlan and its Living First policy was a critical factor in changing travel behaviour, as it created a network of mixed use neighbourhood centres and zoned for a large amount of housing in the Downtown core. 9 Metro Vancouver, January Census Bulletin #6: Immigration and Cultural Diversity. 10 Metro Vancouver, January Census Bulletin #6: Immigration and Cultural Diversity.

10 Land use policy that creates compact and densely populated urban areas will increase the effectiveness of transit, bicycle and pedestrian investments, as it puts people close enough to everyday destinations to make walking and cycling time-efficient, with transit serving regional trips. Because CityPlan and the Living First policy were key factors in meeting the City s goals for transportation, they are discussed throughout the report. In addition, the Liveable Region Strategic Plan, adopted by Metro Vancouver in 1995, laid out a supportive framework focused on compact growth, mixed use development, protection of open space, and non-auto transportation. lower-density development patterns. The Metro Vancouver region is much lower in density overall with 802 people per square kilometre, it ranks third in the country behind the Toronto (945 people / sq km) and Montreal (898 people / sq km) regions. 13 Therefore, there is a uniquely high level of variation in urban form across the region and travel patterns reflect this variation. At around 5,200 people per square kilometre, the City of Vancouver s population density is now the highest in the country, and has increased by 24 percent since the time of CityPlan s adoption. 11 However, that citywide average is pulled up by very high densities Downtown the population density of the downtown peninsula has increased 75 percent since CityPlan was adopted, from 10,200 people per square kilometre in 1991 to 17,900 in a population density midway between that of New York City and the island of Manhattan. Many other parts of Vancouver are a different story, as they retain 11 Statistics Canada, Vancouver Census Profiles, 2011 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no XWE. Ottawa. Released October 24, Statistics Canada, 1996 Vancouver Census Profile, Statistics Canada catalogue no. 95F0181XDB96001 (Vancouver, C Code ; 1996 Census Profile includes 1991 population). 12 City of Vancouver Downtown population data, population is estimated. City of Vancouver employment estimates for downtown for 1996, 2001, 2006, Adjusted by the City of Vancouver to estimate Vancouver workers who listed their workplace address as no fixed place of work. The area of the downtown peninsula (5.7 square kilometers) was calculated using ArcGIS and does not include Stanley Park Statistics Canada, Greater Vancouver, Vancouver, Greater Toronto, Toronto, Greater Montreal, and Montreal Census Profiles, 2011 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no XWE. Ottawa. Released October 24, (accessed November 14, 2012).

11 Figure 2: City of Vancouver Policy & Performance Timeline. 10

12 1997 In 1997, the Transportation Plan was a major milestone that set in motion the next era of Vancouver s transportation policy. The 1997 Transportation Plan set forth an ambitious paradigm shift for transportation, a set of 76 major actions 14 and initiatives to achieve that shift, and a set of 2021 mode share targets for the city as whole and three subareas (Downtown, UBC, and Central Broadway, shown on the map in Figure 1). The following sections detail some of the major policy initiatives by mode. Autos. One of the major policy shifts in the 1997 Plan was to accommodate the growth in trips within the existing road network. In order to do so, the Plan explicitly prioritized investment in non-auto modes, and contained a policy that curtailed further road expansion (with the exception of the completion of one final roadway link between the Port and Highway 1). The Plan also allowed road space to be re-allocated for non-auto mode use, such as transit lanes, bike lanes or sidewalk expansion. The Plan also capped the amount of Downtown commuter parking and called for lowering of parking ratios citywide. Walking. The Plan devoted substantial attention to increasing the comfort and efficiency of pedestrian travel. However, the City s Living First land use policy, established in 1991, probably contributed the most to changes in walking more so than the other modes, as the dramatic increases in the number of residential dwellings in and around the Downtown core put homes, jobs and shops / services within easy walking distances 14 The initial 1997 Plan identified 70 initiatives, with 6 others added in of each other. The 1997 Transportation Plan contributed to this shift by prioritizing upgrades to pedestrian infrastructure widening sidewalks and crosswalks, removing barriers, creating safer and more convenient crossings, and implementing the Greenways program (see case study) improvements which were critical to accommodate the increase in pedestrian volumes. Cycling. The 1997 Plan gave cyclists a place in the transportation network, something that they had not had before. The Plan called for a major expansion of the City s nascent bicycle network, including bike routes and greenways, bike lanes on arterial streets, and a network of bike lanes on the Downtown peninsula. These broad concepts were followed by more specific bicycle network proposals in the 1999 Bicycle Plan and the 2002 Downtown Transportation Plan. Transit. During and after the 1997 Plan s development, the City and BC Transit (the transit Figure 3: Vancouver's Modal Hierarchy. The City gave pedestrians and cyclists top priority in design and funding in the 1997 Transportation Plan.

13 agency with jurisdiction over Vancouver at the time), worked closely together to achieve a shared set of goals for transit service and ridership. Transit governance was reformed in 1999 with the creation of TransLink the only regional agency in North America with jurisdiction over both roads and transit. The legislation establishing TransLink also provided a guaranteed source of revenue for transportation planning. Despite its ambitious nature, the 1997 Plan was more a continuation of, rather than a departure from, previous planning efforts. The decision in the 1960s to reject freeways within city limits served as somewhat of a precedent, and meant that transit could be timecompetitive with auto travel, especially during off-peak periods. CityPlan, the land use plan, used a network of mixed use neighbourhood centres to accommodate growth in population and employment. In particular, the Living First policy in the 1991 Central Area Plan for Downtown re-zoned a large swath of Downtown from office to residential use, with the goal of creating a 24-hour Downtown that contained housing, jobs and services within walking distances of each other. Then, in 1995, Metro Vancouver s Liveable Region Strategic Plan laid out a supportive framework that focused growth into already-developed neighbourhood centres. The success of these initiatives laid the groundwork for the 1997 Plan, in addition to creating a supportive environment from the political leadership and residents. The City Council was clear about wanting a plan that was visionary, but to create it, it was necessary to create a new working relationship between the planning and engineering department. A single, multidepartmental Transportation Plan team built a spirit of cooperation during the Plan s creation that then carried forth into its implementation A few years later, a number of the major initiatives outlined in the plan were underway. A number of arterial roads had been changed to collector status, and a number of road and intersection redesigns were implemented to make traffic flow more efficiently and improve safety and accessibility for other modes. Those redesign strategies included new medians, left-turn bays, transit-only / transit priority lanes, and enhanced pedestrian crossings. A public process for implementing traffic calming in neighbourhoods was established, and the planning for specific bicycle and pedestrian improvements had begun, with a focus on Downtown. Joint planning was underway for a University of British Columbia (UBC) transit pass (U-Pass) program, bike racks on buses, and three new major rail lines serving the City. 12

14 2002 In 2002, a number of follow-up plans and studies were completed to give further direction as to the strategies, levels of investment, and specific design changes needed to achieve the targets set in the 1997 Plan. The Downtown Transportation Plan detailed the changes needed to the road, transit, bicycle and pedestrian networks Downtown, and contained an ambitious list of 83 short term initiatives to be implemented over the following three years. The Pedestrian Study looked at pedestrian travel volumes and opinions on Downtown streets and Business Improvement Areas, while the Sidewalk Task Force recommended specific measures to improve pedestrian safety, comfort and convenience. The Vancouver Transit Strategy set out both short and long term actions for transit service, in collaboration with TransLink. The False Creek Pedestrian and Bike Crossing Study shaped recommendations for expanding pedestrian and cycling capacity and safety on all bridges, particularly the Burrard Bridge. Finally, a major regional milestone was reached with the completion of the Millenium SkyTrain (rapid transit) Line These years marked some major milestones for transit. In 2003, TransLink began U-Pass programs for UBC and Simon Fraser University (SFU) students. The following year, TransLink put in place one of the most important initiatives for bicycles in the 1997 Plan bikes were allowed on the SkyTrain (with some restrictions during peak travel times and directions). In 2005, SkyTrain capacity increased to relieve crowding, a new entrance to Granville Station at Granville and Dunsmuir Streets was constructed, bike racks were installed on all buses serving Vancouver, and the Vancouver/UBC Area Transit Plan was finalized. The Plan s recommendations included improvements to service frequency, the addition of new trolley buses, new buses and community shuttle routes, and transit priority measures to improve travel times and service reliability The Transportation Plan Progress Report found that the City had made major progress in achieving the goals put forth in the 1997 Plan. All of the Plan s 76 initiatives had been started, with about two-thirds fully complete. The 2021 mode share targets for auto, walking and cycling had already been achieved for Downtown Vancouver, and transit targets had been achieved for UBC, thanks to the success of the U-Pass program. The length of the bicycle network had more than doubled since the Plan was put in place, and so had the number of bicycle trips. A similar progress report on the Downtown Transportation Plan found that well over half of 83 initiatives identified in the plan were complete, with another 18 underway. All in all, in the first ten years of the 1997 Plan implementation, the City had: Constructed 68 km of City Greenways and 9 km of Neighborhood Greenways Constructed 90 km of bicycle facilities, for a total length of 170 km Installed pedestrian amenities (benches, trash cans) throughout the city Installed new bike racks and push buttons for cyclists across the city Changed traffic signal timing across the city to minimize waits for pedestrians 13

15 Implemented traffic calming and other pedestrian safety enhancements in neighbourhoods and around schools Equipped all buses and trolleys in the city with bike racks (TransLink) Redesigned Granville Street Downtown to improve transit, bicycle and pedestrian efficiency and comfort 2008 The City updated the 2002 Pedestrian Study as the 2008 Pedestrian Volume and Opinion Survey. Besides expanding the number of locations counted, the 2008 survey also included additional data collection to support planning for the 2010 Vancouver summer Olympics TransLink completed the Canada Line, another major expansion of the region s rapid transit infrastructure, and increased capacity on the Expo and Millenium lines in preparation for the Vancouver Olympics. In addition, a new configuration of the Burrard Bridge was implemented to give cyclists dedicated space on the bridge crossing In 2010, the City re-allocated two Downtown car lanes as separated cycling lanes. These separated bike lanes were installed on Hornby Street and Dunsmuir in the Downtown core, and were the first such separated bike lanes in the City of Vancouver. With the arrival of the summer Olympics, the City was challenged with accommodating all of the visitors, attendees, and athletes on top of the daily commuter traffic. The Olympic Transportation Plan added a great deal of transit service, put parking restrictions in place, and created dedicated bus lanes in critical corridors. The result was record numbers of people walking and taking transit during the games, and a glimpse into a potential future transportation system The City began a major update to the Transportation Plan, with the goal of accommodating the growth in trips through major investments in transit, bicycle and pedestrian infrastructure, while maintaining current auto traffic volumes The updated Transportation Plan was adopted by the City on October 31, It includes a new, ambitious set of mode share targets for 2040: two-thirds of all trips served by transit, bicycling and walking, and an auto mode share of about 33 percent (compared to nearly 60 percent in 2008). The plan builds on efforts to increase pedestrian safety and comfort, a re-focusing of the cycling facilities for All Ages and Abilities (the AAA network), and advocates for major investments in regional rapid transit, particularly along the Broadway corridor. It also focuses on public space, accessibility and safety with a goal of zero fatalities. Additionally, 2012 saw the Province and Translink begin construction on the Evergreen Line, rapid transit with its eastern terminus at Commercial Drive and Broadway a major transit hub on the Central Broadway corridor. 14

16 The 1997 Transportation Plan outlined new funding priorities in order to match the Plan s street, bicycle and pedestrian investment priorities (see text box at right). While it was not possible for the City to separate out spending by mode, since 1997 funding and capital project focus has generally shifted over time to align with the Plan s stated priorities. The absence of freeways in Vancouver means less money dedicated to limited access facilities. Still, with an extensive arterial system, Vancouver was spending millions for road redesign projects (such as dedicated left turn lanes) to streamline vehicle movement, safety and reliability. Although road redesign continued to be a major activity, the emphasis has shifted from accommodating the movement of vehicles to creating streets that accommodate walking, cycling and transit movement. The City also reviewed different approaches to financing the Plan. This led to an increase in the City s Development Cost Charges (DCC), the fee paid by developers, in A portion of the DCC (about 22 percent) was designated for the Plan s transportation capital projects, such as bikeways, greenways, and arterial improvements. Although this is a relatively small pot (currently about $3-4M per year), it provides an additional stream of funding that can be used for smaller projects, or pooled over several years to fund larger projects. The City generates additional funding from parking fees, which support a range of transportation improvements. The City also changed the ways programs were managed to streamline improvements. For example, the program for installing new curbs on residential streets was modified so that pedestrian bulges were installed automatically as part of the project. Because this was typically a simple design change, a result was a better pedestrian environment at little to no cost. 15 The City has continued to work on ensuring that new development complements transportation goals. As part of street restoration after new buildings are constructed, adjacent sidewalks are brought up to current standards and amenities such as street trees are added. Bicycle amenities such as bicycle lockers are also required as part of most new developments. Funding for transit improvements was dealt with through a separate set of policies and actions, as the majority of it flows from the federal and provincial levels to TransLink. In partnership with TransLink, the City has increased cost-sharing with other funding partners including the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia and the Federal and Provincial governments on large projects. The Canada Line, for example, was developed as a public-private partnership that included the City of Vancouver, the Government of Canada, the Government of British Columbia, the Vancouver Airport Authority, and TransLink, in addition to private partner InTransit BC. 15 D. Kimchuk (City of Vancouver), personal communication, September 19,

17 Since the 1997 Transportation Plan, there has been a steady decrease in auto volumes and mode share in Vancouver, accompanied by an increase in walking, bicycling, and transit ridership. As shown in Figure 4, auto mode shares have decreased from 69 percent in 1992 to 58 percent in 2008, while residential population has increased by 18 percent (nearly 100,000 new residents), 16 and employment has increased by 23 percent (about 75,000 jobs). 17 Together, these statistics provide strong evidence that the travel demands generated by the City s residents and employees have been accommodated by non-auto modes. Although there are other factors that certainly have influenced this shift, the 1997 Plan played a significant role by prioritizing pedestrians, cyclists and transit in the street realm. Autos As Figure 4 shows, the share of auto trips to and within Vancouver has decreased since the 1997 Plan s adoption 18, in the face of a relatively steady (and much higher) auto mode share at the regional level. Despite the substantial increases in jobs and population seen since the 1997 Plan (16 percent and 18 percent, respectively, since 1996), the number of vehicle trips entering the city has actually decreased by over 6 16 Census data from Statistics Canada: Population in City of Vancouver and UBC, Census data from Statistics Canada: Employment in City of Vancouver and UBC, City of Vancouver employment estimate for The increase in auto mode share in 2004 is probably largely due to a transit strike that was going on during the survey period. Figure 4: Auto Mode Share Trends, Data from Metro Vancouver, the City of Vancouver, and the University of British Columbia. 16 percent 19. These trends are even more dramatic for the Downtown, where population and jobs increased by 75 percent 20 and 25 percent 21 respectively between 1996 and 2006, yet the number of cars entering the Downtown core dropped by about 18 percent. 22 Traffic volumes Downtown are at about the same level as they 19 City of Vancouver 24-hour inbound vehicle volume data, Outbound volumes and changes are similar. 20 City of Vancouver Downtown population data, population is estimated. 21 Census data from Statistics Canada: Employment in City of Vancouver, 1996; City of Vancouver employment estimate, Adjusted by the City of Vancouver to estimate Downtown workers who listed their workplace address as no fixed place of work. 22 City of Vancouver 24-hour inbound vehicle volume data for Downtown, Outbound volumes and changes are similar.

18 were in 1965 (see Figure 5, below). 23 A 2005 study by Statistics Canada on commuting found that the Vancouver area is the only urban area in Canada for which commuting times were actually decreasing. 24 Despite all of this good news, congestion in the Vancouver region can still be a real challenge for drivers. The region made the news recently as being one of the most congested urban area in North America, second only to Los Angeles. 25 However, a closer look at the numbers tells a different story. The analysis that determined the congestion ranking was based on the percentage difference between non-peak period travel and peak period (rush hour) travel. 26 Thus, regions with shorter overall travel times such as Vancouver are actually penalized more in the ranking than larger regions with longer travel times. With an average 25- minute auto commute to work in 2011, people in the Vancouver region actually spend less time driving to work than either Toronto (29 minutes) or Montreal (30 minutes). 27 Additionally, the extent of congestion will vary depending on the geography examined. Commuting data shows that City of Vancouver residents spend an average of 27 minutes per day on their auto commutes, while drivers in the rest of the metro area spend 31 minutes daily. 28 Figure 5: Downtown Traffic Volumes for 1960, 1976, and Green (outbound) and brown (inbound) lines representing 2010 traffic volumes are superimposed by a City of Vancouver traffic engineer on this 1976 chart. Source: Price, Gordon Downtown Traffic Volumes = Price Tags blog, June Accessed 13 November Downtown-traffic-volumes-1965/ 23 Price, Gordon Downtown Traffic Volumes = Price Tags blog, June Downtown-traffic-volumes-1965/ Accessed 13 November Turcotte, Martin. General Social Survey on Time Use: Cycle 19: The Time it Takes to Get to Work and Back. Statistics Canada, Catalogue no XIE Table 1, p. 15. < eng.pdf> Accessed 14 November, Tiffany Crawford. Vancouver second most traffic congested city in North America: report. Vancouver Sun, October 12, North+America+report/ /story.html Accessed 14 November TomTom International BV, TomTom Congestion Index. Congestion-index-2012Q1namerica-mi.pdf Accessed 14 November, Statistics Canada, General Social Survey, Mode of transportation and average commuting time to get to work in Montréal, Toronto and Vancouver census metropolitan areas. < x/ /t/11531/tblbx-eng.htm> Accessed 14 November, Statistics Canada, General Social Survey, Mode of transportation and average commuting time to get to work in Montréal, Toronto and Vancouver census metropolitan areas. < x/ /t/11531/tblbx-eng.htm> Accessed 14 November, 2012.

19 This is not to say congestion does not exist. The Vancouver region s unique geography creates some particularly frustrating choke points (for example the Knight Street, Oak Street, and Lions Gate bridges, as well as construction on Highway 1, which has been ongoing for the past several years). A 2006 Transport Canada study found that the Vancouver region loses between $402 and $628 million (2002 dollars) per year in the cost of delay, wasted fuel and the resultant GHG emissions. 29 However, the benefits of added auto capacity must be weighed carefully against the social, health and environmental costs created in the process. While it is outside the scope of this report to examine these costs and benefits, there is a mounting body of evidence documenting the adverse impacts of the additional auto travel that occurs with capacity expansion. Longer commutes translate into more time in cars, increased per-capita air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Longer commutes have also been associated with higher rates of obesity and other related health outcomes. 30 In effect, significant expansion in highway capacity defies the very tenets of Metro Vancouver s adopted Regional Growth Plan 29 Transport Canada Environmental Affairs, March 2006 (revised July 2007). The Cost of Urban Congestion in Canada. Table 5: Total Costs of Congestion. 30 Christine M. Hoehner, Carolyn E. Barlow, Peg Allen, Mario Schootman (2012). Commuting Distance, Cardiorespiratory Fitness, and Metabolic Risk. American Journal of Preventive Medecine 42(6): Lopez-Zetina J, Lee H, Friis R (2006). The link between obesity and the built environment. Evidence from an ecological analysis of obesity and vehicle miles of travel in California. Health Place 12: Wen LM, Orr N, Millett C, Rissel C (2006). Driving to work and overweight and obesity: fındings from the 2003 New South Wales Health Survey, Australia. International Journal of Obesity (Lond) 30: Frank LD, Andresen MA, Schmid TL (2004).Obesity relationships with community design, physical activity, and time spent in cars. American Journal of Preventive Medecine 27(2): promoting urban containment and preservation of agricultural land. With nearly half of the provincial budget devoted to health care already 31, it will be important to reduce chronic disease associated with sedentary living and one of the best ways to do that will be through the promotion of active forms of transportation. Walking Both the share and number of walking trips increased dramatically in the period just after the inception of the 1997 Plan (and the City s Living First policy, which was instituted a few years earlier). Between 1994 and 2004, the mode share of walking trips citywide increased from 14 to 17 percent. 32 These increases appear to have stabilized, and walking s mode share has even decreased somewhat in recent years 33 it is likely that the addition of transit capacity has shifted some walking trips to transit. Downtown, the focus of the largest increases in residential development, has seen dramatic increases in walking trips. In 2006, walking trips were found to make up nearly two-thirds (between 60 and 69 percent) of daily trips within Downtown making walking by far the most common travel mode for getting around Downtown. 34 On some of the busiest downtown streets, pedestrians outnumber people in vehicles by a large 31 Bailey, Ian, 21 February B.C. budget a 'turning point' on controlling health costs, says Finance Minister. Victoria, BC: The Globe and Mail. < Accessed 20 November, City of Vancouver 2006 Transportation Plan Progress Report. 33 City of Vancouver 2008 Pedestrian Study, p City of Vancouver 2006 Transportation Plan Progress Report.

20 margin. 35 Recent pedestrian counts found that on the block with the highest pedestrian traffic (900 block of Robson), pedestrians made up 68 percent of the total traffic on that block, with 28 percent of the road space 36. Pedestrian volumes on False Creek bridge crossings increased between 28 and 45 percent (depending on the crossing) between 1991 and , with further increases seen in Increases in pedestrian volumes have also been documented along Broadway (particularly around Broadway and Commercial, and Broadway and Granville, both major transit hubs). The Figure 6: Pedestrian - Vehicle Collisions in Vancouver, Source: City of Vancouver 2012 Pedestrian Safety Study Summary report 35 City of Vancouver 2002 Pedestrian Study, p. 12; also see 2008 Pedestrian Study. 36 City of Vancouver 2008 Pedestrian Study, p. 18, table City of Vancouver 2002 Pedestrian Study, p City of Vancouver 2008 Pedestrian Study, p. 15. Due to Canada line and other construction at some of the bridge crossing points, 2002 and 2008 counts may not be directly comparable pedestrian counts found large increases in pedestrian volumes at these high-traffic locations since the previous count in 2002 a 21 percent increase along Commercial Drive, and a 7 percent increase along South Granville (which had the highest pedestrian volumes outside of downtown). The safety of pedestrians on the streets is another way to measure the 1997 Plan s effectiveness. Since the 1997 Plan was put into place, traffic collisions involving pedestrians have declined to some of their lowest ever levels (see Figure 6); traffic collisions have also been declining overall during that same time period). When the increases in population are taken into account, the pedestrian fatality rate is 3.3 deaths per 100,000 for the period between 2005 and In January 2012 Vancouver reached a major milestone seven months in a row of no pedestrian fatalities (including no fatalities in January), which is a particular accomplishment given that it occurred over the dark and rainy winter months. 40 Bicycling Bicycling, while still only a small share of all travel, continues to increase rapidly. In the ten years following the adoption of the 1997 Transportation Plan, the City made major investments with major results: the size of the Bikeway network doubled from 80 km to 170 km; the number of cycling trips also doubled during that same ten year period. This increase is echoed by another 39 City of Vancouver 2012 Pedestrian Safety Study Summary report, p Chelsea Blazer, Vancouver had no pedestrian deaths in January for first time in seven years The Globe and Mail. 7 February Accessed 13 November

21 recent study, which shows a positive relationship between cycling infrastructure and bicycling rates across the U.S. 41 Despite the colder climate, the share of Canadians bicycling to work is triple that in the U.S. 42 and even cold cities such as Minneapolis have seen significant increases in cycling with investments in facilities. 43 In 2010, there were about 5,700 bike trips coming into Downtown between 6 a.m. and 10 p.m., nearly quadruple what they were in A recent City report reviewed 2006 Census journey to work data and found Census tracts with bicycle mode shares close to 12 percent, and 3.7 percent citywide triple the share seen in the region (which hovers around 1 percent). 45 Transit Vancouver s transit mode share has increased slightly since the 1997 Plan from 14 percent in 1992 to 22 percent in This is still a few percentage points shy of the citywide mode share goal of 25 percent set in the 1997 Plan. The goal was based on the assumption that the Canada Line and Millennium Line extensions to Central Broadway would be operating. The Canada Line only became operational in 2009, while the Millennium 41 Buehler, R and Pucher, J. (2012). Cycling to work in 90 large American cities: new evidence on the role of bike paths and lanes. Transportation 39: Pucher, J. and Buehler, R. (2006). Why Canadians cycle more than Americans: A comparative analysis of bicycling trends and policies. Transport Policy 13(3): Barnes, G. R., & Thompson, K. B. (2006). Longitudinal Analysis of Effect of Bicycle Facilities on Commute Mode Share. In Transportation Research Board 85th Annual Meeting (No ). 44 City of Vancouver Inbound bicycle volume data, 16 hour counts. 45 City of Vancouver 2008/2009 Cycling Statistics Update. Line extension project scope and timing have not yet been determined. Some activity centres such as UBC have experienced dramatic increases in transit use due to improvements in transit service. One particularly successful program is the U-Pass system, which gives every UBC and SFU student an unlimited transit pass at a very low cost (currently $30 / month). The U-Pass program began in 2003 and was accompanied by an array of transit service improvements to university campuses. Together, these actions increased transit use to the UBC campus by over 60 percent after two years of the program, while vehicle use decreased by 19 percent in that same time period. 46 Transit s mode share to UBC has tripled between 1997 and 2011, going from 18 percent to 54 percent. 47 In 2004, TransLink conducted a major survey of transit capacity in the region, which identified many of Vancouver s corridors as operating at or near capacity. That is still the case today, as ridership continues to grow. Transit capacity constraints along the Broadway Corridor and along sections of the Expo SkyTrain Line, in particular, may be contributing to higher automobile use in the Broadway Corridor (south of False Creek) area and elsewhere. On many routes, transit service has not kept pace with the demand, which has grown much more rapidly than expected in Many Vancouver bus routes have passenger loads that exceed guidelines. These crowded conditions may explain some of the higher bicycle and walking mode shares, which may be more efficient over shorter distances than current 46 University of British Columbia transportation program data, City of Vancouver 2006 Transportation Plan Progress Report 20

22 transit travel. In the future, transit service, particularly high-capacity transit, is going to be a primary component to accommodating travel demand. These trends emphasize the need to move quickly on developing higher capacity transit services, including the Millennium Line extension to Central Broadway and providing rapid bus services on other major corridors such as Hastings and 41st City of Vancouver, Transportation 2040 Plan, section T1: Policies and Actions in Detail: Transit Network, p Accessed 27 Nov,

23 The Vancouver Greenways program was initiated by the City of Vancouver in the mid 1990s, and the City is now in the process of implementing a network of pedestrian priority corridors around the city. The flavour of each particular Greenway is as unique as its surroundings Greenways can connect parks and other open spaces, highlight cultural features, historic sites, heritage buildings and public art, provide an attractive environment for pedestrian-oriented retail and commercial development, for example. Although its stated focus is pedestrians, the Greenways program also supports bicycling and transit. 49 There are two types of greenways: City Greenways and Neighbourhood Greenways. City Greenways are corridors within and between neighbourhoods, using 49 City of Vancouver, Transportation Plan: 1997 Report, section 3-7. Former Website of Engineering Services Transportation. City of Vancouver, Access date November 13, Figure 7: Map of completed and proposed City Greenway routes in Vancouver as of trails and retrofitted streets. Neighbourhood Greenways are initiated by residents and are typically very short local connections essentially pedestrian shortcuts. The Vancouver Greenways Plan was approved by City Council in 1995 and originally identified fourteen City Greenway projects to be constructed (three other greenways were identified later). The 1997 Transportation Plan brought additional funding and attention to the Greenways Plan, as it placed the highest

24 priority on pedestrian infrastructure and improving the walking and cycling share of trips. 50 The Greenways program puts the 1997 Transportation Plan policies into practice. The 1997 Plan advocates for expansion of pedestrian priority areas in commercial and neighbourhood centres, and notes greenways and bikeways as a key strategy. 51 Greenways improve access for non-auto modes on street right-of-ways, another Figure 8: Street furniture along the Carrall Street Greenway. Photo by Kira Baker. 50 City of Vancouver, Transportation Plan: 1997 Report, section 2-2. Former Website of Engineering Services Transportation. City of Vancouver, Access date November 13, City of Vancouver, Transportation Plan: 1997 Report, section 3-7. Former Website of Engineering Services Transportation. City of Vancouver, Access date November 13, major goal of the plan. Greenways also strengthen the pedestrian routes, facilities and environments explicitly called for in the 1997 Plan and the 2002 Downtown Transportation Plan. 52 Design Greenways along street right-of-ways comprise about 50% (approximately 70 km) of the entire network, with the rest made up of trails not accessible to autos. 53 Infrastructure improvements along streets have included traffic-calmed corridors with design features such as widened sidewalks, cyclist paths, raised crosswalks, infiltration bulges, re-oriented on-street parking, mid-block crossings, and pedestrian shortcuts. Additional amenities may include seating or resting areas, water fountains and bike racks as well as enhanced lighting, information kiosks, public plantings, trees and shrubs (shown as part of the Carrall Street Greenway in Figure 8). Greenways not along streets can be trails on waterfronts, through parks or natural areas or right-of-ways. Although they may connect with or include bikeways and often incorporate bicycle facilities, Greenways are first and foremost geared towards pedestrians. 52 City of Vancouver, Transportation Plan: 1997 Report, section 3-7. Former Website of Engineering Services Transportation. City of Vancouver, Access date November 13, City of Vancouver, 2002 Downtown Transportation Plan, Transport Canada. Access date November 13, Downtowntransportationplan-842.htm 53 City of Vancouver, Proposed Regional Context Statement Official Development Plan:, section D-6. Former website of City of Vancouver. Access date November 13,

25 The Granville Street and Carrall Street Greenways were identified in the 2002 Downtown Transportation Plan as important north-south walking routes in the Downtown, and highlight two very different approaches to Greenway development. 54 The Carrall Street Greenway is a short (1 km) but critical link in a downtown peninsula walking loop connecting False Creek with the Burrard Inlet and Stanley Park. 55 Because Carrall Street straddles the historically and culturally significant neighbourhoods of Chinatown, the Downtown Eastside and Gastown, maintaining the street s historic character was a priority in Greenway design, as was the accommodation of a potential streetcar route. 56 Figure 9 shows the before and after configuration the two parking / loading lanes were replaced with a flex parking scheme that allows auto to park on parts of the sidewalk-grade areas during non-peak pedestrian activity periods (see flexible activity space lane in the after drawing in Figure 9, and Figure 10) and wider travel lanes for pedestrians and bicycles, with two travel lanes maintained for transit and autos. The Carrall Street Greenway is nearly complete; the remaining tasks are retrofitting the north end of the route to construct a pedestrian railway overpass City of Vancouver, Pedestrian Report. 55 City of Vancouver, Carrall Street Greenway Concept Design, p Vancouver Heritage Foundation, Carral St. Greenway Historic Map Guide. 57 City of Vancouver, Carrall Street Greenway Progress Update.Former Website of Carrall St. Greenway. City of Vancouver,2008. Access date November 13, gress.htm 24 Figure 9: Before (above) and After (below) configurations of the Carrall Street Greenway in Gastown. Drawings from the City of Vancouver.

26 As one of Vancouver s major north-south arteries, Granville Street is an economically significant tourist, retail and entertainment centre, with a much wider right of way and higher development density than Carrall Street. Granville Street has some of the highest foot traffic in the City, with daily volumes of 2,000-20,000 pedestrians. 58 Beginning in late 2008, the street was redesigned along nearly its entire length within the downtown peninsula. Maintaining two lanes of vehicle traffic in each direction, the greenway replaced one parking lane with a wider sidewalk and a rolled curb that allows for some vehicle parking on the sidewalk during periods of lighter pedestrian traffic, shown in Figure 10. Street furniture, signage and lighting were added, while retaining the Granville Mall, which is closed to general vehicle traffic. Although there are connecting bicycle routes running east and west, there is limited dedicated cyclist infrastructure besides bike racks along this route. The project was completed in late 2009 in preparation for the 2010 Winter Olympic Games; the $21 million cost was funded by the City of Vancouver and Translink. Generally, the Greenways program is seen as a benefit by businesses and residents. In the early days of the program, some neighbourhood residents thought that bikeways and greenways would bring more crime into their neighbourhoods or decrease property values; after further study of these issues it became apparent that greenways were a selling feature and considered an Figure 10: The Granville St. Greenway. The wider sidewalk supports some auto parking during off-peak pedestrian hours. Photo by Kira Baker. amenity by realtors and most residents. 59 In most cities especially in a downtown and in other major centres businesses thrive on walk-by traffic, with major pedestrian corridors commanding high rents for prime walk-by locations. This was also true for Vancouver. The City also documented that there was no apparent relationship to higher crime rates on greenway or bikeway streets City of Vancouver, Pedestrian Volume and Opinion Survey Commercial Streets, p. 17, Appendix A City of Vancouver, Bicycle Plan, p City of Vancouver, Bicycle Plan, p