Sledging in Cricket: Elite English Batsmen s Experiences of Verbal Gamesship

Transcription

1 Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 2011, 5, Human Kinetics, Inc. Sledging in Cricket: Elite English Batsmen s Experiences of Verbal Gamesship Samuele Joseph and Duncan Cramer Loughborough University The present study examined elite cricket batsmen s experiences of sledging to establish its frequency, effects, and the coping strategies used by players. Sledging in cricket is the practice whereby players seek to gain an advantage by insulting or verbally intimidating the opposing batter. Semistructured interviews were conducted on 10 elite batsmen. Interviews were transcribed and content analysis was conducted to elucidate themes. Several similar factors were reported for both the frequency of sledging and its effectiveness, the most influential being the period of innings, state of the game, and in-game pressure. The majority of the reported effects of sledging were negative, most notably, an altered perception of self, an altered state of mind, decreased batting ability, and over arousal. Numerous associated coping strategies were mentioned, the most frequently used being variations of self-talk. Other noteworthy coping strategies included routines, external support, showing frustration, avoidance coping, and relaxation techniques. Overall, players perceived that sledging had a substantial effect on a batter and their level of performance. Keywords: gamesship, sledging, coping, intimidation, cricket, sport There are many situations in sport where opponents use strategic behavioral tactics to distract and disrupt the concentration of their competitor. This has been referred to as gamesmanship (Potter, 1947), although gamesship is a frequently used term that is not gender specific. A commonly used form of gamesship in cricket is sledging. The term was coined to represent simply the crudest tactic in the strategy of mental disintegration successively identified with Allan Border, Steve Waugh, and Ricky Ponting, three of sledging s most successful exponents (McGrath, 2009, p. 22). Sledging in cricket is the practice whereby players seek to gain an advantage by insulting or verbally intimidating the opposing batter. In interview studies of North American ice hockey players and British rugby league players, participants The authors are with the Department of Social Sciences, Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leicestershire, England. 237

2 238 Joseph and Cramer reported using several physical acts to intimidate opposing athletes and distract them from the game (Gee & Leith, 2007; Jones, Bray, & Olivier, 2005). As cricket is a noncontact sport, any aggression or intimidation may only be delivered verbally; however, the idea behind it is the same, being to divert opponents concentration thereby causing them to make errors and underperform. Sledging can be particularly effective in cricket because the batters stand within hearing distance of the bowler and certain close fielders. The insults may be direct or feature in conversation among fielders intended to be overheard. The increased scrutiny of television close-ups since the 1980s and frequent replays has provided the means for a more detailed analysis of players behavior and sledging in particular (Knight, 2003). In most cases, sledging is not the foul-mouthed tirade of abusive language that the media often depicts. Most of the time, it is quite the opposite, with subtle and humorous banter taking place between teammates or with opponents in an attempt at distracting the batter. It can at times become personal, but it rarely carries a destructive purpose. Not one of the participants in a study on aggression in Australian Rules football mentioned verbal aggression (sledging) as associated with being an aggressive player (Grange & Kerr, 2010). Sledging is considered to be a form of verbal intimidation, defined as taunting, mocking, ridiculing, trash-talking, pointing, threatening physical violence, and so on, in an attempt to gain a psychological advantage over an opponent (Shields, 1999, pp ). The term trash talk is used to describe the sledging equivalent in many American sports. It is intended to demoralize an opponent to gain the competitive upper hand (Simons, 2003). In the only apparent study of its kind, Eveslage and Delaney (1998) observed the trash-talking behavior of a high school basketball team for one whole season. The majority of the players frequently engaged in the observed behavior, which generally consisted of quick put-downs of opponents. The focus of the comments varied from mocking an opponent s skills, emphasizing their weakness, staking claim to turf, and aggressive and/or humorous insults. They found that the verbal commentary in which the players engaged during competition was built on their own personal joking relationships. This form of verbal dueling is often referred to as playing the dozens or sounding, a playful and humorous verbal battle often taking place in the presence of an audience as a way of gaining respect among peers (Simons, 2003). Thus, sledging may originate from the banter within one s team, and these verbal skills are then transferred onto the field of play and deployed against the opposition. It is generally believed that an increase in pressure is exhibited as an increase in anxiety, with increases in state anxiety regularly used as an indicator of perceived pressure (e.g., Jackson, Ashford, & Norsworthy, 2006). In sledging in cricket, for example, an opponent insulting a batter s skill may increase the pressure on the athlete to perform and thus may produce increased anxiety causing a decrease in performance. Baumeister (1984, p. 610) has defined these performance decrements under pressure situations as choking. Three main attentional models have been proposed to explain the negative effects of performance pressure and anxiety on performance. Baumeister s (1984) self-focus model assumes that competitioninduced arousal can lead to an increased attentional focus on oneself and to a more conscious and intentional focus on the motor components of the performance, thus resulting in disruption of well-learned skills. Support for the self-focus model comes from Beilock and Carr s (2001) explicit monitoring hypothesis. Their hypothesis

3 Sledging in Cricket 239 suggested that monitoring the step-by-step mechanisms that produce performance is counterproductive to skillful performance, which consequently can lead to poor quality performance. Furthermore, Jackson and colleagues (2006) have suggested that although explicit monitoring does have a generally negative effect on motor skills, substandard performance occurs when individuals attempt to both consciously monitor and control movements instead of consciously monitoring movements only. Rapee and Heimberg (1997) have also proposed that the performance of anxious individuals tends to be poor because they spend more time monitoring potential sources of threat. Distraction theories, conceptually very similar to the theories noted above, could also add to our understanding of, and explain the detrimental effects that performance pressure and anxiety in the form of sledging may have on batters. The distraction model focuses on the loss of concentration caused by factors that attract attention to task-irrelevant cues, which may include a focus on oneself. Therefore, if task-irrelevant cues attract an athlete s attention, performance levels may decrease (Boutcher, 2008). Anxiety itself may lead to distraction as proposed by Rapee and Heimberg (1997). Nideffer (1992) suggested that as arousal increases, irrelevant thoughts absorb the athlete s mind, which can result in failure to attend to important cues. A study by Graydon and Eysenck (1989) supported this theory by showing, first, that distraction effects are more distinct for complex than for simple tasks and second, that distraction effects become more evident as the similarity between distracters and task-relevant stimuli increases. Another prominent factor that may redirect attention is worry. Ruscio and Borkovec (2004) found that worry tended to increase distraction, which may then adversely affect performance. The attentional hypothesis postulates that anxiety-related cognitions and clear instructions do not reduce performance independently (e.g., Hardy, Mullen, & Martin, 2001). Nevertheless, collectively they may exceed a threshold of attentional capacity and have operated additively and depleted the attentional resources available to maintain performance (Hardy et al., 2001, p. 946). A third, more recent, theoretical approach is that of mindfulness and acceptance, which together argue that optimal performance does not require the reduction or control of internal states but rather, requires a nonjudging (i.e., not good, not bad) moment-to-moment awareness and acceptance of one s internal state, whatever that may be, and an attentional focus on task-relevant external stimuli and behavioral choices that support one s athletic endeavor (Moore, 2009, p. 292). Among the evidence that supports this approach is that levels of mindfulness but not trait arousal predicted basketball game free throw shooting percentage (Gooding & Gardner, 2009). Research has generally found that athletes who possess more advanced and well-practiced coping methods will be more effective in handling the stressors and demands of competitive sport (Nicholls & Polman, 2007). However, association does not show that coping itself leads to more effective handling of stress and demands. In studying the coping strategies employed by Olympic wrestlers and national champion figure skaters, Gould and colleagues (Gould, Eklund, & Jackson, 1993; Gould, Finch, & Jackson, 1993) reduced all those strategies reported into four broad dimensions: thought control strategies (self-talk, positive thinking, thought control), attention focus strategies (concentration, control, tunnel

4 240 Joseph and Cramer vision), emotional control strategies (arousal control, relaxation, visualization), and behavioral strategies (set routines, rest, control of environment). Park (2000) studied coping strategies of 180 elite Korean athletes representing a wide range of 41 different sports and identified seven general coping themes. The most used (49.7%) was the application of some form of psychological skills training (imagery, meditation, self-talk, positive thinking, attention, self-confidence, repression, goal-setting, and will power). These changes have not led to significantly improved athletic performance, however (e.g., Gardner & Moore, 2006; Maynard, Smith, & Warwick-Evans, 1995). As there has been no direct research of sledging-type behavior in sport, hypotheses based on empirical evidence were not formulated. Instead, the following research questions were posed: 1. When is sledging considered to be most frequent? 2. When is sledging seen as being most effective? 3. What effects is sledging thought to have on those it is directed against? 4. What coping methods and strategies are used to counter its negative effects? Information from these questions may not be restricted to cricket but may be relevant to similar behavior in various other sports. It should be emphasized that the current study is not concerned with the effects of these coping methods and strategies on athletic performance, as this would require an intervention study. Intervention studies have generally found that such methods and strategies do not significantly improve athletic performance. Rather, the current study is directed at examining the methods and strategies that athletes report using to cope with opponents attempts to reduce their performance. Participants Method Ten elite cricket batsmen (M age = 19.4 years, SD = 0.97) agreed to participate in the study. All participants were members of a university s Centre of Cricketing Excellence and were contracted at a professional cricket club, all having played 2nd XI matches for their respective counties. Three of the participants had played first class 4-day matches for the university against teams from the English County Championship, and three others had been, or still were involved in, England cricket age group teams. Initial contact was made with the cricket manager at a medium-sized English university, who arranged a meeting with the squad during a practice session. At the session, the first author explained that he wanted batsmen to take part in a study on sledging, its effects, and the way the athletes deal with sledging. This information was repeated before the one-to-one interviews, which were carried out during the evening. Contact details for those who could not have been interviewed on that day were taken and those interviews took place during subsequent days. Before any data collection, written informed consent was obtained and participants were assured of their anonymity.

5 Sledging in Cricket 241 Interview Guide The interview guide was developed after reviewed previous qualitative studies that identified and described several common coping strategies used by elite athletes (Gould, Eklund et al., 1993; Gould, Finch et al., 1993). A pilot study of the interview guide was conducted with one elite batsman, and feedback was gathered. Using that feedback, a few minor amendments to the schedule were made. As a result, the final interview schedule contained six sections: (a) introductory comments, (b) identifying when sledging is most frequent and effective, (c) identifying what effects sledging can have on a batsman, (d) identifying the coping strategies used to counter those effects, (e) looking at sledging from the fielder s perspective, and (f) any final comments. The participants also completed a short demographics form. Data Collection Throughout the interviews, a structured approach was implemented where a fixed set of questions was employed, with a series of prompts for each question to be used, depending on the individual responses from participants. The ordering of the questions remained the same for each interview. Although the interview dialogue varied from interview to interview (due to the participant s responses), a variety of probe ( What specific ways has it affected or does it affect you? ) and elaboration ( Could you please go into more detail? ) questions were employed wherever necessary to enhance the likelihood that all topics were explored in depth. At the end of the sections on both the effects of sledging and coping strategies, interviewees were asked if all appropriate effects or coping strategies had been discussed to ensure that all participants had the chance to fully relay their experiences. All interviews were conducted face-to-face in a comfortable and quiet environment at a time suitable for the participants. Interviews were audio recorded in their entirety (lasting no longer than 23 min each) and transcribed verbatim producing a total of 75 pages. Analysis Following transcription, the interview texts were read and reread. Next, words, phrases, quotes, and sayings for each batsman s answers on (a) the frequency of sledging, (b) when sledging was most effective, (c) effects of sledging, and (d) associated coping strategies were identified and coded in accord with the recommendations of Côté, Salmela, Baria, and Russell (1993). Having reviewed each transcript to alleviate any errors made and to detect any coding overlooked originally, the list of coded answers was then grouped into similar themes articulated by the participants and then into a set of shared topics. These sets of shared topics were then placed into categories of higher generality and further still into general dimensions (if necessary), where above this, no general meaning could be recognized. Similar to recent qualitative studies, both inductive and deductive methods of data analysis were applied during the latter stages to ensure the accurate positioning of raw data into higher-order themes (e.g., Thelwell, Weston, & Greenlees, 2007). Consequently, as higher-order themes became evident, prior knowledge of relevant literature allowed a more assured understanding of data for placement into appropriate themes.

6 242 Joseph and Cramer Results The main aims of the study were to examine when sledging was most frequent and effective, the effects of sledging, and the coping methods and strategies used to counter these effects, as reported by elite cricket batsmen. Frequency and Effectiveness of Sledging The times when sledging was most frequent were coded into 32 raw data themes, which were placed into 11 higher-order themes and categorized into six general dimensions. The times when sledging was most effective were coded into a similar 27 raw data themes, which were placed into seven higher-order themes and seven general dimensions. These themes are discussed in the following narrative and illustrated with quotations. The number identifying the participant making the comment, and the page number/s for the quote in the verbatim transcript, are given in parentheses after each quote. Participants provided similar responses to questions on both the frequency of sledging and its effectiveness. The period of both the batsman s innings and of the batting team s innings were seen by participants as being factors influencing sledging s frequency and effectiveness. Nine out of 10 participants labeled the start of a batsman s innings as a frequent time to endure sledging and it was also considered effective during this period. One participant stated, certainly when a batsman first comes in they re going to be liable to a bit of stick (1:1). In terms of the batting team s innings, both the beginning of and the end of a batting team s innings were cited as periods of frequent and effective sledging. It was suggested, for example, that the beginning of the match is when they hit you hardest (7:1) but also toward the end (10:1). These responses imply that both periods of the game, for different reasons, are periods of pressure: the beginning because of the game s openness and the end because of the possible result. In addition to the period of the game, the state of the game was also regarded as a factor influencing the frequency of sledging and its effectiveness. Participants stated that sledging frequently occurred both if the [fielding team] are on top (5:1), when times are sort of getting a bit tough on the fielding team and when the batsman are on top (1:1), and if it s a balanced game (2:1). This strongly suggests both that sledging is not necessarily affected directly by the balance of the game and that individuals respond differently to sledging depending on other factors. Interestingly, participants did consider sledging to be effective, both when the fielding team was winning and when the game was close but not when the batting team was on top. This suggests that a batting team s strong position in a game may somewhat negate the effects of sledging. A factor that was not mentioned by participants when responding to questions on the effectiveness of sledging, but was mentioned when answering questions on the frequency of sledging, was the demands of the game. A reason for this may be that the majority of the answers given regarding the demands of the game involved the needs of the fielding team as opposed to any problems faced by the batsman or batting team, for example, when the fielding team need a breakthrough (3:1) or if they have to get you out to win the game (3:1). Perhaps participants did not find sledging that effective during these periods of play, because it is the fielders

7 Sledging in Cricket 243 who are under pressure, not the batsmen. These are important questions to be addressed in future research. Another prominent factor cited repeatedly in response to questions on the frequency of sledging and its effectiveness was in-game pressures. Participants spoke of sledging as being both frequent and effective when you re most nervous (9:1), when the game s quite tense (2:1), and during periods of pressure (10:1). Some examples of these types of pressure situations include when nearing a milestone (5:1), if you re making your debut (4:2), and when the fielding team has men round the bat (3:2). Other external factors were suggested to be a hindrance when trying to negate the effects of sledging, such as getting yourself in [and] assessing the conditions (3:1), which was frequently linked and associated as an additional pressure at the beginning of a batsman s innings. A further in-game pressure that increased the effectiveness of sledging was the individual s status on the team, in particular when taking the step up from youth to men s cricket (4:1). One participant stated, when I was younger [sledging] affected me much more negatively (1:2). Another participant delved further into this subject and stated that as a young guy playing your first couple of seasons in men s cricket... I suppose yeah you just get picked on because you re seen to be weaker than most people (4:1). A further factor that affected the frequency and effectiveness of sledging was prematch relationships between the two competing teams (e.g., league position) and the individuals within them (e.g., interpersonal rivalry). Some participants did suggest that the fielding team being higher or lower in the league did have an influence, but sledging from higher teams seemed to be more effective; however, the effectiveness of sledging was perceived to be highest when the competing teams were close in the league table. One participant stated that sledging s effectiveness increases if you re playing someone close to you like when you re going for promotion or relegation (3:2). Interpersonal relationships between the two teams were also cited as factors affecting sledging s effectiveness. Participants suggested that sledging was more effective when there was quite a lot of rivalry... sort of interpersonal things (1:2), in your big sort of grudge matches (4:2), or if there s a bit of bad history, bad decisions might just stir things up (5:3). The in-game form of the individual batsman was also considered to influence the frequency of sledging and, less so, its effectiveness. One participant suggested, if you re not playing the ball as well as you d like the fielding team will definitely look to get on top of you (7:1). This view was shared by a larger number of participants, although one did suggest that sledging may start again when you start to dominate (2:1). This participant stated that sledging during this period of a batsman s innings was caused by the fielding team feeling as though that s the only way they can get you out really just by talking you out (2:1). Sledging while a batsman was playing well was not considered by any of the participants to be effective, whereas sledging while playing poorly was. A factor that was only expressed in response to questions on the frequency of sledging was that of the opposition. One participant suggested that if you re a dominant team you ll probably look to sledge more because you re more confident (9:2), whereas another participant suggested that you get more sledging from the poorer teams because it s their way of competing with the better teams (5:2); however, neither was mentioned as being more effective than the other. Sledging was also considered to be more frequent when the fielding team was up for it (2:1) and had

8 244 Joseph and Cramer a lot of energy and a lot of intensity (1:2). Each reference to the motivation of the opposition was linked and associated with the beginning of the batting team s innings. Some participants, when referring to sledging s effectiveness, briefly discussed two factors that were not cited as factors influencing the frequency of sledging: (a) the form of sledging (for example, one-on-one or as a team; 1:2) and (b) the batsman s state of mind. The one participant indicating this as a factor stated that sledging was most frequent in an environment where as a batter you re probably within your comfort zone... because then sledging can take you out of that zone of concentration (10:2). Coping Methods and the Effects of Sledging The effects of sledging were coded into 45 raw data themes, which were placed into 13 higher-order themes and categorized into six general dimensions. The coping methods and strategies were coded into 54 raw data themes that were placed into 10 first-order themes and further grouped into 10 second-order themes and eight general dimensions. The relationship between effects and coping is discussed below. The participants used a number of general cognitive strategies to counter some of the effects of sledging, mainly in the form of self-talk. In particular, 5 out of 10 participants used constructive reminders in an effort to overcome emotional instability and insecurity. One of them spoke of how he used self-talk to just like confirm what they re saying is probably rubbish and you know you re good enough sort of thing (9:4). Four participants found it useful instead to think tactically about what they needed to do to perform well. For example, one participant commented, rather than using positive thinking I tend to think quite from a tactical point of view... rather than saying right you are definitely good enough... I would be more like, right, I d look where the field placings are and I d be eyeing up where I d be scoring my runs rather than just simply saying positive thoughts (7:5). All 10 participants used self-talk in an effort to sustain a high level of performance. As one participant remarked, I just say, right I m going to focus on the ball (7:4). Another general cognitive strategy used by 3 out of 10 participants was imagery. Two of those participants mentioned that using imagery was not very effective, however, while the third said that for him it was an extremely important strategy in dealing with sledging in high-pressure situations. The participant stated [I] envisage I m kind of one of my heroes and try and act the way they would sort of thing in the big time situations (2:5). In addition to these general cognitive strategies, 7 out of 10 participants also used specific cognitive coping strategies at the crease to overcome the effects of sledging; these were in the form of self-talk. In particular, these strategies were employed to counter the loss of concentration (altered state of mind) and to prevent technique from deteriorating (decreased batting ability). One participant mentioned the use of trigger words, for example, concentrate on the ball, keep your head up, keep your head still, get your feet moving, quick little words like that a batsman might use just to like get themselves ready for a delivery (10:5). In addition to coping strategies at the crease, participants also used several general match strategies to counter the effects of sledging. In particular, all 10 participants made use of at-the-crease set routines to overcome some effects of sledging (e.g., over-arousal and altered state of mind). In addition, they were also

9 Sledging in Cricket 245 used to help maintain focus (concentration), often in combination with walking away between balls (behaviors), and taking your mind off cricket (distraction). One participant commented, normally after pretty much every ball I turn and like walk away to square leg and adjust my pads and gloves and things like that... it s just like a subconscious thing I tend to do every ball but I suppose it shuts you off, you re focusing on something else (8:4). Additional general match strategies used by participants involved consistent preparation (prematch), imposing oneself on the bowling (method of play), and maintaining positive body language (nonverbal behaviors). The latter was also employed by 6 out of 10 participants in an attempt to frustrate the opposition. One participant commented, I find they get frustrated more when I m smiling and I m still there at the end of the day (2:4). One coping strategy employed by all participants was the use of external support in the form of a pep talk from the fellow batsman at the crease to overcome several effects of sledging (e.g., altered perception of self, altered state of mind, over-arousal). One participant commented, [the other batsman is] like the one out that you ve got and if you want to say something between overs [a set of six consecutive balls] that s when you sort of let it go and off your chest and he ll give you a bit of advice, whereas when you re at the end it s just you and like you might go between balls if something s bothering you (9:4 5). This comment draws attention to the uniqueness of cricket in that although the teams are equal in size, on the field, it is eleven vs. two players. Three participants also used specialists to assist them in overcoming the negative effects of sledging. One participant commented, I was lucky enough to be part of the [academy] and they have psychologists who can help you with some of these sorts of issues, they taught me certain ways in which I can turn the sledging around and help it make me concentrate more intensely (1:2 3). All 10 participants also used a variety of emotion-focused coping strategies. One of these coping strategies, replying to the sledging (showing frustration), was used by all participants; however, participants differed in their use of this strategy and in their thoughts on its value. One participant stated, I quite enjoy the competitiveness of it and as I said it sort of shocks them a bit if you talk back to them... it might upset them more than it upsets me... it might upset their sort of rhythm (3:4 5). On the other hand, other participants believed, through their experiences, that it s probably the worst thing you can do (9:3) and that it takes your mind off cricket and what you re actually trying to do, which is obviously a negative thing (1:3). Other emotion-focused coping strategies used to deal with the effects of sledging (e.g., over-arousal and an altered state of mind) included maintaining composure and the use of humor. One type of strategy used by all 10 participants in an attempt to overcome each of the possible negative effects that sledging could have (e.g., altered perception of self, decreased batting ability, altered state of mind, increased arousal) was avoidance coping. Seven of the 10 participants considered blanking out or ignoring the sledging to be one of, if not the, most effective coping strategy. One participant commented, my main goal if someone is sledging me is to completely shut them out... consciously ignoring whatever s being said and making sure that I don t take part is certainly a key aspect in me because that means that you never actually get involved in with it which is never gonna draw you away from what you re trying to do (1:4 5). However, one participant commented, if you ve got a chirp in your ear and stuff constantly being said to you, as much as people say

10 246 Joseph and Cramer they ignore sledging... unless you re deaf you do hear it... so... whatever you hear, you process and try and turn it around... the positive way (5:2 5). A final relationship found between coping strategies and effects of sledging was in the form of relaxation techniques. Three out of 10 participants commented on their use of such techniques in an attempt to control nerves (altered state of mind), to avoid playing unnaturally aggressive shots (decreased batting ability), or to reduce arousal (over arousal). One participant commented, [I] just like try to control my breathing really because obviously if you start getting a bit too pumped you start breathing heavily, just kind of focus on my breathing rather than just breathing kinda thing, try and slow it down (2:5). One noteworthy effect of sledging that was not mentioned above (as it was not directly linked with any coping strategy) was stress, primarily that of feeling insulted. Although all 10 participants did admit to having felt insulted by sledging at some point during their careers, it is important to note that this seemed largely to depend[s] on the context of it of the sledging if it s personal (10:3). Finally, it is also important to mention that not all of sledging s effects were perceived to be negative. Some participants did in fact suggest that sledging could also affect a batsman in a positive way (e.g., batting determination and motivation, motivation in the field, enjoyment). One participant, for example, commented that a lot of cricketers... get spurred on by it and become better players because of it (2:1). Discussion The present study continues research into gamesship and its effect as a distraction to athletes, specifically to batters in cricket. Participants in this study reported several effects of sledging and many associated coping methods, many of which were similar to those found by Thelwell and colleagues (2007). Most of the participants generally dealt with the effects of sledging internally as opposed to externally; however, all but one participant stated that the methods and strategies used changed depending on various factors. One of the main negative effects sledging was reported to produce was an altered perception of self, often in the form of emotional instability and insecurity, which can both negatively affect confidence. Much of the research on selfconfidence in sport has used Bandura s (1997) self-efficacy theory as a theoretical framework. Self-efficacy refers to beliefs in one s capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to produce given attainments (Bandura, p. 3). Based on Feltz and Lirgg s (2001) review of self-efficacy in sport, two key conclusions were drawn. First, most of the studies established a significant or at least moderate relationship between self-efficacy and performance, and second, self-efficacy is a stronger predictor of performance than other variables. Support for these findings comes from a study by Durand-Bush and colleagues (2001), which found that self-confidence was ranked as the most important mental skill related to performance by over half of a sample of elite, university, and club athletes. This relationship does not demonstrate, however, that improved performance results from greater self-confidence, as the opposite direction of this relationship (i.e., improved performance resulting in greater self-confidence) is just as plausible.

11 Sledging in Cricket 247 A further effect of sledging was identified as an altered state of mind, with the most prominent reported cause of this being a loss of concentration. Research on attentional processes, in particular from the information processing perspective, may provide an explanation for this concentration lapse often caused by sledging. As noted by Boutcher (2002), researchers have typically focused on three main aspects: (a) attentional capacity, (b) attentional selectivity, and (c) attentional alertness. Attentional capacity refers to limits in the amount of information an individual can process at one time. This suggests that the more attention is required to address task-irrelevant stimuli, the less resources are available to attend to task-relevant stimuli (Moran, 1996). This limited attentional capacity means that individuals require attentional selectivity. This is the ability to attend to relevant cues while disregarding others, which according to the participants accounts, would seem to be an invaluable skill in countering sledging. Finally, attentional alertness refers to the influence of arousal on information processing and attention. More recent mindfulness and acceptance-based theories have stressed the importance of attending in a nonjudgmental way to one s moment-to-moment experiences, which can have a strong impact on attentional focus (Gooding & Gardner, 2009; Moore, 2009). Arousal also seemed to be a factor significantly affected by sledging as well as a factor that greatly influenced an individual s response to sledging. In the majority of cases, participants linked increased arousal with a decrease in performance levels. This finding would therefore oppose drive theory, developed by Hull (1943), which suggests that the basic response to arousal is linear: as arousal increases, performance increases. Alternatively, Yerkes and Dodson s (1908) inverted-u proposition holds that performance is optimal at a moderate level of arousal and declines as arousal increases or decreases from that optimal level. It is generally believed that people need some arousal to perform at their best, and those who are too laid-back often perform at substandard levels. In the current study, this was supported by some participants who commented that they need the confrontation that sledging produces to become engaged in the match (for example, 3:6). On the other hand, too much arousal can make performers tense and prone to errors. Herein, some participants reported that over-arousal often leads to poor technique and overly aggressive shot selection (for example, 8:2). Hanin s (1980) individual zones of optimal functioning (IZOF) model specifically challenges the prediction from the inverted-u proposition that moderate arousal results in the best performances and instead emphasizes individual differences. Hanin proposed that athletes have a zone of optimal functioning that is unique to the individual. The notion of being in the zone was directly mentioned by some participants in the current study (for example, 5:7). In a study of 68 track and field athletes, Raglin and Turner (1993) found only a near significant difference in mean performance between those with anxiety scores within the optimal anxiety range and those with anxiety scores outside of that range. A study by Thelwell and Maynard (1998) conducted on semiprofessional cricketers found that poor performance occurred when cognitive anxiety and somatic anxiety were within the optimal zones, contradicting the IZOF model. The catastrophe model of anxiety has also been used to explain the arousalperformance relationship, in particular by Hardy (1996). The theory proposes that as arousal increases, performance also increases up to a point (as in the inverted-u proposition). However, as arousal increases beyond the optimal level, performance

12 248 Joseph and Cramer suddenly drops, as was reported by one current participant who commented on running after an opponent with his bat (3:4). The present study also supports the reversal theory, which was first developed as a general framework for arousal and affect (Apter, 1984). The reversal theory proposes that the relationship between arousal and affect depends on the individual s cognitive interpretation of arousal. If a high level of arousal is be interpreted positively, for example, it may make a batsman more determined to perform well (10:3). At the same time, a batsman may interpret a high level of arousal negatively, for example, in the form of nervousness (3:3). One of the most frequent coping methods used by participants in the current study was self-talk, which was reported in the form of both spoken words and as cognitions. Self-talk was also found in a similar study to be a prominent coping strategy used by professional cricket batters in overcoming various stressors (Thelwell et al., 2007). According to Hardy and colleagues (2004), individual sport athletes report more frequent use of self-talk than team sport athletes do and also that highly skilled athletes use the strategy more than do less skilled athletes. This concurs with the findings from this study, as although cricket is a team sport, only one batsman is active at a time. Research has identified many intended uses of self-talk, which correspond with those identified by the participants in this study (e.g., Zinsser, Bunker, & Williams, 2006). Intended uses include task-specific statements relating to technique, changing moods, building and developing self-efficacy, focusing attention or concentration, correcting bad habits, modifying activation, and changing negative thoughts into positive ones. As an aside, research has found that cricketers who are well equipped and more able to regulate their mood perform better and score more runs during the course of a match (Totterdell & Leach, 2001). Many other coping strategies that were frequently employed by participants in this study have also been used in other sports in an attempt to counter the effects of sport-related stressors. A study on grip strength in 30 weightlifters by Shelton and Mahoney (1978) tentatively showed that the 15 participants who used their routine psyching up strategies (including positive self-talk, control of attention, preparatory arousal, and visualization) performed better than the remaining 15 who were given a distracting mental task to perform immediately before performance. The authors suggested that this difference may have been due to the demand characteristics of the procedure. Other research has also found that a variety of intervention strategies, such as mental rehearsal and centering, were able to reduce preperformance anxiety in tennis players (Terry, Coakley, & Karageorghis, 1995), although not necessarily improving performance. Bertollo, Saltarelli, and Robazza (2009) found that elite modern pentathletes all reported having well-developed precompetitive routines (including focusing on competition tasks, blocking out external distractions, adjusting arousal level, reviewing and mentally rehearsing the forthcoming tasks) to adjust themselves psychologically and physically for the event. The majority of participants in the current study also noted this. In addition, relaxation techniques were frequently cited as methods of coping with sledging. In their research on parachute jumpers, Conrad et al. (2007) found meditational breathing increased relaxation among three groups of participants. Building on the body of work on breathing and relaxation in clinical psychology suggests that controlling breathing may be an effective way to initiate relaxation. In concurrence with Bianco and Eklund s (2001) findings, the batters reported using social support (teammates) for emotional purposes. Support has been found to have a strong negative correlation with perceived stress (Wijndaele et al., 2007), and

13 Sledging in Cricket 249 in a study of French-Canadian male golfers, it was found to have a positive relation with performance (Gaudreau, Blondin, & Lapierre, 2002). In the same study, however, venting emotion (identified in this study as showing frustration) was found to have a significant negative relation during competition. This was accepted by most participants in this study who understood the detrimental effects it could have. Similarly, venting emotions and emotion-focused coping strategies as a whole were seen as less effective by athletes in overcoming stress than problem-focused coping strategies, such as active coping and seeking information from others (Kaiseler, Polman, & Nicholls, 2009). Other research has found that venting of negative emotions may reverse the positive effects of using strategies such as mental imagery, thought control, support seeking, and relaxation (Gaudreau & Blondin, 2004). The findings of this study present various issues of considerable importance. First, players perceived sledging as having a substantial detrimental emotional effect; however, the current study did not examine the effectiveness of the coping strategies employed by batters. Future research, using the foundation data gathered in this study should focus on establishing the most effective strategies and attempt to create a coping model specifically for sledging that can be used by cricket coaches to better prepare young players. Conclusion The present study continues research into gamesship and its effect as a distraction to athletes, specifically to batters in cricket. Semistructured interviews were used to examine elite cricket batsmen s experiences of sledging to establish its frequency, effects, and the coping strategies used by players. Participants reported several effects of sledging, such as an altered perception of self, altered state of mind, decreased batting ability, and over arousal. In addition, they reported using a number of coping methods to deal with sledging, such as variations of self-talk, routines, external support, showing frustration, avoidance coping, and relaxation techniques. Most of the participants generally dealt with the effects of sledging internally as opposed to externally and stated that the methods and strategies used changed depending on various factors. References Apter, M.J. (1984). Reversal theory and personality: A review. Journal of Research in Personality, 18, Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. New York: W.H. Freeman. Baumeister, R.F. (1984). Choking under pressure: Self-consciousness and paradoxical effects of incentives on skillful performance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 46, Beilock, S.L., & Carr, T.H. (2001). On the fragility of skilled performance: What governs choking under pressure? Journal of Experimental Psychology. General, 130, Bertollo, M., Saltarelli, B., & Robazza, C. (2009). Mental preparation strategies of elite modern pentathletes. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 10, Bianco, T., & Eklund, R.C. (2001). Conceptual considerations for social support research in sport and exercise settings: The case of sport injury. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 23, Boutcher, S.H. (2002). Attentional processes and sport performance. In T.S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (2nd ed., pp ). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

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